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Operation Coldstore: The elephant in the classroom

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11 years ago

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Book launch event: The 1963 Operation Cold Store in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years, edited by Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang and Hong Lysa

By Hong Lysa

When British film director and education policy-maker David Puttnam visited Singapore last October, he was featured in a full-page interview, where his message was that university teachers should ask their students questions, and challenge them to ask questions constantly. (Straits Times 12 Oct 2013).

No one who is in a leadership position in Singapore today would argue with this. The Singapore education system from pre-school to university has adopted student-centred learning, emphasising inquiry, figuring out how to put this into operation through a systematic approach to identifying and gathering information, analysis, and presentation of one’s conclusions.

Yet there is an elephant in the room. One of the most crucial areas of inquiry which will encourage the development of a better thinking and a thoughtful Singaporean with an appreciation of our country and how it came to be, has been and continues to be marked as illicit.

This area is no less post-war Singapore history in general, in particular the years 1959 to 1965, and specifically Operation Coldstore — the arrest and detention without trial of more than a hundred people on 2 February 1963, comprising leaders of the opposition party Barisan Sosialis, labour unions with a mass following, and Nanyang University alumni and students. Operation Pechah was mounted less than 3 weeks following the general election of 21 September 1963. Orders of arrest were issued against 5 of the 13 newly elected Barisan MPs among others.

Operation Coldstore and other instances where the Internal Security Act was used have been justified by the authorities as measures to save the country from succumbing to communist subversion. On the other hand, survivors of political detention contend that Operation Coldstore and Pechah were intended to kill off the left-wing opposition, which threatened the electoral fortunes of the PAP.

The Operations marked the first step towards one-party rule in Singapore. Dissent was suppressed, and even political prisoners who were released unconditionally after almost 20 years like Dr Lim Hock Siew were warned that they would be rearrested immediately if they caused trouble. For close to half a century, former political detainees did not keep a public profile at all. A veil of silence descended on Operation Coldstore.

This silence has been broken in the last five years or so, among other things with publications that cannot simply be dismissed as baseless propaganda.

How are history teachers to encourage critical inquiry and thinking when teaching Singapore history? With the state continuously coming up with its statements about ‘communist united fronts’ and the chilling warning: ‘ex-detainees will not be permitted to re-write history’ when it is compelled to react, such testimonies, accounts and analyses that the survivors of political detention produce immediately become illicit material.

The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years one hopes is a publication that does deserve at least some degree of serious consideration. Those who turn up for the book launch should expect to be treated with respect, and be presented with arguments for them to think about. Not harangues and proselytising. Not sales talk or entertainment. If they are successful, the reaction of the audience should be a sober one.

The book launch is an open event. The audience will be able to interrogate the speakers, read the book and throw it away if they find the arguments facile or unconvincing. Most copies are likely to end up sitting unread on the bookshelves—the fate of even purportedly bestselling political memoirs in Singapore. There is nothing sensational or thrilling or daring about the launch. Any such expectation generated is only on account of how such events and publications have already been branded by the state.

It will indeed make the lives of history teachers much easier if what appears to be forbidden fruit become regular debates about our history.

Assoc Prof Kwok Kian Woon, associate provost in charge of student life at the NTU, was quoted in response to David Puttnam’s views on education. Prof Kwok said: Most importantly, students should come to realise that making a good, robust argument involves on the one hand, discipline and rigour in thinking and on the other, respect and a generous spirit. One yields to the force of better argument.

The move towards such civility needs to begin at home.

Hong Lysa is a historian. She is one of the editors of The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years.

Operation Coldstore remains the most contentious event in the history of post-colonial Singapore. On 2 February 1963 and the weeks that followed, 133 men and women were arrested and detained. The country was deprived of the top leaders of the opposition parties, trade unions, rural organisations, and Nanyang University student and alumni associations. The collapse of political pluralism and the open exploration among the people of Singapore for the kind of society they envisaged ensued. In all but one of the five decades since, the Internal Security Act which permits detention without trial has been and continues to be used.

Despite attempts by the state to silence survivors of Operation Coldstore, the authors in this volume have now placed on record their perspective and understanding of the event as left-wing political actors who responded to the call of anti-colonialism and the challenge of shaping a new society.

In remembering Operation Coldstore, we affirm the personal price that the most resolute leaders of that generation have paid, in order that Singaporeans will be able to better understand the nature of State power that runs through their society.

Venue: Harvest Care Centre, 165 Sims Avenue #04-01, S (387606) (Between Lorong 17 and Lorong 21 Geylang)
Nearest MRT: Aljunied (about ten minutes’ walk)
Bus numbers: 2, 13, 21, 26, 51, 62, 63, 67, 80, 100, 125, 158, 158B, 853*
Date: 16 November 2013
Time: 2.30 pm (Please be seated by 2.15 pm)

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Civil Society

29 organisations demand criminal prosecution of law-breaking police in Malaysia

A coalition of 29 organisations is demanding that Malaysia end the perception of shielding law enforcement officers from prosecution when involved in serious violations like torture and killings. Highlighting cases such as the disappearances of Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat, they call for accountability through criminal charges.

Published

23 hours ago

on

3 October 2024

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Activist Amri Che Mat and Pastor Raymond Koh

A coalition of 29 organisations is calling for an end to what they describe as a “policy” or perception in Malaysia that shields police and law enforcement officers from criminal prosecution, even when they are involved in serious violations such as death, torture, or human rights abuses.

These groups argue that law enforcement officers who break the law should be subject to the same criminal prosecution and sentencing as ordinary citizens.

The coalition points to several high-profile cases where police officers allegedly committed serious crimes, yet no action was taken to prosecute those responsible.

They argue that merely subjecting officers to internal disciplinary actions does not fulfil the public’s demand for justice. Instead, such officers must be charged and tried in open courts, allowing for transparency in the administration of justice.

Enforced Disappearance of Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat

One prominent case cited is the enforced disappearance of Pastor Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat. In 2019, the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) concluded, following a public inquiry, that both men were likely victims of enforced disappearance carried out by police officers from the Special Branch.

The government formed a Special Task Force to investigate SUHAKAM’s findings, but when the report was completed, it was classified as an “Official Secret” and was not disclosed to the public.

Recently, during a civil trial initiated by the families of the victims, parts of the report were revealed.

These findings supported SUHAKAM’s conclusions, asserting that the officers involved were rogue individuals acting independently. However, despite this revelation, no criminal charges have been filed against the responsible officers.

The delay in prosecuting these officers, even after clear findings, further bolsters the perception that Malaysia protects its law enforcement officers from the full extent of the law.

Assault on Ong Ing Keong

In another case, Ong Ing Keong, a deaf and mute e-hailing driver, was allegedly assaulted on 28 May 2024 by a police officer escorting a VIP.

Despite video evidence supporting Ong’s claims, no charges have been brought against the officer involved. This case has raised further questions about the government’s willingness to hold law enforcement accountable.

Failures in Investigating Police-Related Deaths

The coalition also highlights multiple cases involving deaths caused by police officers, where no significant legal action has been taken.

A coroner’s court ruling on 31 May 2023 determined that the fatal shooting of three men by police officers was not justified as an act of self-defence. Despite this finding, the officers involved have not been charged.

Similarly, in a separate incident, the High Court ruled on 1 February 2024 that the death of a man in Sitiawan, Perak, at the hands of police was homicide, yet no charges have been filed.

The coalition argues that these incidents contribute to a widespread loss of public confidence in Malaysia’s criminal justice system, particularly when it comes to cases involving law enforcement officers.

They stress that the government must act decisively to ensure that justice is seen to be done, by investigating, charging, and prosecuting officers found responsible for these crimes.

Concerns About Torture and Deaths in Custody

There are growing concerns over allegations of torture and deaths in police custody, with many cases seemingly underreported due to victims’ fear or lack of faith in the system.

The groups worry that if the public continues to perceive that justice is inaccessible, it may lead to increased incidents of violence or retaliation against police officers.

The Need for Clearer Laws and Specific Offences

The coalition believes that existing Malaysian laws, such as the Federal Constitution and the Criminal Procedure Code, clearly outline the legal obligations of police officers.

However, they argue that there is a need for additional specific laws to address violations committed by law enforcement officers, particularly in cases involving torture, illegal searches, or denial of legal rights.

They propose enacting special criminal offences targeting police misconduct to ensure greater accountability.

They further highlight the challenge posed by the fact that police misconduct often occurs in the presence of fellow officers, who may be reluctant to report their colleagues. This creates a culture of impunity within the force, making it difficult for victims to seek justice.

Recommendations for Reform

The coalition’s demands include the immediate investigation, charging, and trial of the officers responsible for the enforced disappearance of Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat, as well as the disclosure of their whereabouts.

They also call for the prosecution of officers involved in the disappearance of Joshua Hilmy and Ruth Sitepu, based on findings from SUHAKAM’s public inquiry.

Moreover, the group advocates for the prosecution of the officers involved in the assault of Ong Ing Keong and those found guilty of homicide in recent court decisions.

They also call for the implementation of new laws to address police misconduct and for the government to take active steps to discard the perception that law enforcement officers are immune from prosecution.

The coalition urges the Malaysian government to demonstrate its commitment to justice by ensuring that all law enforcement officers who break the law are charged and tried in open courts.

This transparency, they argue, is critical to restoring public faith in the country’s criminal justice system.

The list of the 29 organisations in the coalition

  1. ALIRAN
  2. MADPET (Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture)
  3. Teoh Beng Hock Association for Democratic Advancement
  4. Association of Home and Maquila Workers (ATRAHDOM), Guatemala
  5. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM), India
  6. Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
  7. Greenpeace Malaysia
  8. Global Women’s Strike, UK
  9. Haiti Action Committee
  10. KLSCAH Civil Rights Committee (KLSCAH CRC)
  11. Legal Action for Women, UK
  12. Migrant Care, Indonesia
  13. National Garment Workers Federation, Bangladesh
  14. North South Initiative, Malaysia
  15. National Union of Transport Equipment & Allied Industries Workers (NUTEAIW), West Malaysia
  16. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM)
  17. PAYDAY Men’s Network (UK/US)
  18. Persatuan Amal Progresif Malaysia
  19. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor (PSWS)
  20. Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity (PACTI), India
  21. Sabah Timber Industry Employees Union (STIEU)
  22. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA)
  23. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
  24. Singapore Anti Death Penalty Campaign (SADPC)
  25. The Workers’ Assistance Center, Inc. (WAC), Philippines
  26. Union of Domestic, Maquila, Nexas and Related Workers (SITRADOM), Guatemala
  27. WH4C (Workers Hub for Change)
  28. Black Women for Wages for Housework, US
  29. Women of Color/Global Women’s Strike, US/UK
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Civil Society

WMP: The Dyson lay-offs is a test of how useful PAP’s relationship with unions is for workers

In response to Dyson’s recent layoffs, Workers Make Possible (WMP) questioned whether The United Workers of Electronics and Electrical Industries (UWEEI), an NTUC affiliate, will fight for workers’ livelihoods or accept defeat. WMP highlighted that many PAP leaders, including SM Teo Chee Hean and MP Patrick Tay, lead UWEEI’s Council of Advisors, raising concerns about its effectiveness.

Published

2 days ago

on

2 October 2024

By

The recent lay-off decision by UK-based tech giant Dyson in Singapore has raised significant questions about the effectiveness of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP)’s relationship with unions, according to local civil society group Workers Make Possible (WMP).

In an Instagram post, WMP shared two screenshots of news articles, highlighting the irony of British billionaire James Dyson receiving the Public Service Star (Distinguished Friends of Singapore) award in July 2023 for his contributions to the Singaporean economy.

However, fast forward to recently, Dyson’s unexpected round of layoffs left many employees in shock and morale at an all-time low, with only a day’s notice given to The United Workers of Electronics and Electrical Industries (UWEEI), an affiliate of the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC).

 

According to Channel News Asia, the layoffs come just three months after Dyson had assured staff that its Singapore operations, which serve as its global headquarters, would be unaffected by a global restructuring that had cut 1,000 jobs in Britain.

Employees reported that the retrenchment process was conducted discreetly, with affected workers receiving email notifications for private “one-on-one” meetings.

During these meetings, attended by human resources representatives, employees were informed that their roles had been rendered redundant.

A Dyson spokesperson responded to media inquiries by stating that the company was adjusting its team composition to ensure it had the right skills in place for future growth.

“Our ambitions in Singapore remain unchanged, and we expect to continue growing here in the medium term,” the spokesperson said.

Dyson did not, however, disclose the number of employees laid off or provide specifics on how the company plans to support the affected staff.

UWEEI expressed disappointment over the layoffs, revealing that it was informed only a day before the retrenchment, which left little room for meaningful discussions.

The union has since escalated the matter to the Ministry of Manpower (MOM) for further review.

While the union acknowledged that the affected employees fell outside its scope of representation under its agreement with Dyson, it pledged to support the laid-off workers in collaboration with NTUC’s Employment and Employability Institute (e2i).

UWEEI and e2i will assist with job searches, career coaching, and retraining. The union also called on companies to adhere to NTUC’s Fair Retrenchment Framework, emphasizing the need to protect local workers and ensure that adequate support is given during layoffs.

WMP Calls on UWEEI to Act Decisively Amidst Dyson Layoffs, Questioning PAP’s Commitment to Worker Advocacy

Commenting on UWEEI’s response to the recent Dyson layoffs, WMP noted that many PAP members are part of its Council of Advisors, with Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean serving as Chairman and PAP MP Patrick Tay as secretary.

WMP also pointed out that during a parliamentary sitting last month, PAP MPs fervently defended the importance of involvement in trade unions to protect workers.

“Critics should pause their judgement and see what the UWEEI can do in this moment of crisis for the laid-off workers,” WMP remarked.

The group questioned the effectiveness of UWEEI’s actions, suggesting that if PAP MPs are correct in their assertions, then UWEEI should not remain passive.

“It surely cannot be the case that all the UWEEI is able to advertise up-skilling programs to laid-off workers?”

WMP questioned what UWEEI’s next steps will be and whether they will accept defeat or fight for workers’ livelihoods.

 

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