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Effective governance with freedom – separating the social from the critical

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by Howard Lee

Cape Patton

“Lovely, isn’t it? Too bad there is so much mist today. On a clear morning, you’d see…”

The voice belonged to an elderly gentleman, as I stood overlooking Cape Patton along the Great Ocean Road, Victoria, Australia. I figured he was a regular at the lookout, making his way there every morning in his little white car. Dressed casually in a wool vest, he was disarmingly easy to talk to, despite everything we know about talking to strangers.

In a moment, he gathered that I was Singaporean, and his brows went up in recognition. He spoke easily about the the then hot topic between our nations – the purchase of the Australian stock exchange – and his own visit. “Well, I was there a while back, when Jimmy Lee was then Prime Minister. No nonense, that guy, and you have a very clean place…”

I figured he was talking about Lee Kuan Yew. And for some reason, no matter where I go, we have always been known to be a clean place – I was too polite to ask him if he meant environmentally or politically.

“Jimmy is a real tough guy, but he got things going. God knows, we need some of him down here!” I pointed out the detractions, that having a tough guy in command also meant having fewer freedoms. “Yes, I can imagine, everyone goes “yes, Jimmy, yes!” (which he complemented with little bows) “Just make sure you don’t get on his wrong side. I definitely don’t want to!”

Really that good, meh?

From our perspective, it is quite hard to imagine why anyone would want to have in their country the iron-clad rule that typified the beginning days of the People’s Action Party. It seems almost like a deliberate descend back into the dark ages.

But it did dawn on me that the elderly man’s comments came at a time when Australia was undergoing unprecedented political change, from the short term of a purposeful and visionary Kevin Rudd, to the political bartering of Julia Gillard. Understandably, it would be easy to feel exasperated about political shenanigans that have caused a stalemate in a country that was just celebrating its emergence from the latest economic crisis.

We should also note that the elderly gentleman probably represented a particular segment of Australia’s population, wishing for better state control and regulation. When you are older, meeting loud drunks on the trams (which I did) is not really very funny (well, I’m older, but I still found it funny).

Also, we cannot discount the desire in every state for the government to regulate some areas. It does not mean, however, that citizens will be willing to relinquish other freedoms to achieve the positive results associated with stronger regulation. For example, clean government should not be equated with unilateral governance, which ours is often wont to prove to be true.

So granted, there will be admirers of LKY’s rule of law. And to be fair, the iron hand does not have exclusive rights of use by autocratic despots and petty dictators. Most governments would have deployed it at one time or another. Notably, what defines a sensible government from otherwise is a recognition of when that course of action is necessary, and more importatly, desired by their citizens.

Trivial pursuits?

And it is precisely by this definition that our political leaders have been found to be wanting, judging from recent attempts at bringing to bear some “affirmative governance” that, at times, leaves in our minds a rueful trail of derision or cynicism. Some examples, now.

Crescent on crotch – of our water polo team. We have the Minister for Information, Communication and the Arts chastising them for misuse of a national symbol. I mean, seriously, how much more trivial can that be? These are our golden boys, our true claim to fame in the sporting world for wins at many international events. If anything, they are a national symbol, representing us more than any flag can.

Tough luck for toughies – or so we are to believe, for our teen gangs. In addition to implementing a nationwide crackdown on gang violence, the new Minister for Home Affairs is ready to call to bear legislative powers like imposing curfews. Yes, youth gangs can be a scourge, but 200-odd cases in a year is a far cry from the few thousand other crimes that we equally need to address, rather than focus on something that could very well be “seasonal” during the school holidays.

The infamous lessons learnt from Mas Selamat’s escape – everything apart from how to keep him from escaping to begin with. The political cadre, led by the Minister for Home Affairs, was quick to flag out the dos and don’ts of assisting fugitives, allegience of the Malay-Muslim community – social dimensions, but not the operational ones by security forces, which matter more.

The Alan Shadrake case – or lack of it. The judiciary found Shadrake guilty of contempt of court for writing a book that was never banned to begin with. Yet a part of Shadrake’s book – inconsistency in the sentencing of death row cases – was never addressed, overtaken by the dramatic tussle of freedom of speech vs the Court’s reputation.

Burn baby burn – metaphorically speaking. The police was quick – perhaps too quick – to haul in Abdul Malik Mohammed Ghazali for questioning on inciting violence, for comments on a Facbook page he started that suggests mischief be done to the Minister for Community Development, Youth and Sport. The case ended with Abdul Malik joining an opposition party, and rife suspicion that the authorities were trying to clamp down on unsavoury comments against the YOG Organising Committee. The Minister remains unscathed, in all manners of the term.

Do these actions make sense? To be fair, some very well might, in their own right. But taken as a whole, they point towards a particular pattern in the Singapore government to step up enforcement of social issues, mostly using legislative powers conferred upon them by the people.

Perhaps they were defensive reactions to a challenge to authority. Perhaps they were politically motivated, if you buy into conspiracy theories. Or perhaps it was just a desire to fabricate a renaissance of LKY’s firm-hand generation, possibly misguided by the belief that it reflects assertive and confident leadership.

It doesn’t. Rather, these actions show as weakness in the eyes of our increasingly aware public, and a simple lack of understanding of what the people really want. When citizens vote in their representatives, they do not want bravado and top-down meddling into every aspect of their lives. They want things that they cannot do as individuals to get done, and get done right the first time.

Long journey ahead?

The Great Ocean Road today is possibly Australia’s most scenic tourist drives, but few around the world might realise that it was built in memory of the soldiers returning from the Second World War. It took more than 10 years to translate plans into actions, and many more years of toil and human endeavour to make it as pleasurable a drive as it is today.

Australians would not likely forget its historical significance, but that does not mean that they would allow it to slip back to the good old days, where drivers have to contend with rock falls and a very good chance of driving into the sea.

Similarly, Singaporeans recognise that strong-arm politics has served us well in the past, but it does not mean that we would trade in the current level of freedom, exasperatingly limited and fleeting as it may seem at times, as a compromise for getting things done. Warnings that we will slip into chaos unless we accept affirmative rule is not just unacceptable, but also the least fashionable thing to say.

It is the expectation that all modern governments need to deal with today – deliver the goods, but give me the bandwidth to decide on my own life and society. Impossible? Get used to it. It is the defacto standard of good governance, and we are increasingly aware that we do have a choice to who we grant this authority.

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Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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