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Open letter from Benjamin’s family to clarify what transpired on 26 January

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The family members of 14-year-old Benjamin Lim have passed an open letter to The Online Citizen to be published, hoping that it can clarify and provide certain information on the chain of events leading to their son’s death on 26 January (Tuesday).

The family also thanks everyone who have came forward to show their support to Benjamin. They have created an email account dedicated to Benjamin, [email protected] and welcome friends and members of public to write to them.

Note – The yahoo email has been terminated for some reason by someone and the family no longer can access the account. So please direct all emails to the new account and if you have previously sent an email to the family, please re-send the letter again.

The letter from Benjamin’s family in full

The family of Benjamin Lim wish to express our deepest gratitude and appreciation to all friends, relatives and members of the public for your kind expression of sympathy in our time of great sorrow. There have been reports in various publications offering different versions of occurrences leading to the passing of Benjamin. This letter seeks to clarify and also provide certain information on the chain of events leading to the tragedy on 26 January 2016.

In the morning of 26 January 2016, Benjamin’s mother received a call from his mobile number. One police officer spoke to her and informed that Benjamin was being investigated for a case of “outrage of modesty” involving one 11-year-old Chinese girl outside school in the afternoon of 25 January 2016. The officer informed that Benjamin would be taken to Ang Mo Kio police station for further investigation. Benjamin’s mother asked to speak to her son, of which then the phone was given back to Benjamin. However, they (mother and son) did not managed to speak for long before phone was taken away. According to Benjamin’s mother, the officer informed that police will be contacting the family in the afternoon when Benjamin is allowed to leave the police station.

Benjamin’s mother and elder sister then rushed to the school, arrived at about 11am. At that point,  Benjamin had already left the school with police officers. They spoke to the discipline master and school counsellor, and were informed that Benjamin was taken to Ang Mo Kio police station to assist in investigation. When asked for details, the staffs were only able to reveal that Benjamin was identified via a CCTV footage captured at the lift lobby in one of the HDB blocks.

On the same day at about 1pm, Benjamin’s mother received a call from Ang Mo Kio Police Division HQ informing that Benjamin was arrested and that family members may proceed to the police station to bail him out. Mother and daughter then rushed to the police station, and were told to wait at the reception area. After some time, one officer led Benjamin’s mother to the investigation office for recording of statement. It was until about 2.50pm when Benjamin was finally brought out to meet his mother and sister.

Benjamin’s mother noted that he appeared quiet, and his hands were uncomfortably cold after they left the police station. She then asked him about the alleged offence, he denied. When asked why he admitted to the police when he did not do it, he said “they said I am guilty, so I am guilty lor”. Benjamin was then told that he should not have admitted to the crime if he did not do it. Their conversation ended then as the train was approaching.

Benjamin, together with mother and sister, they went home directly. Having sensed that Benjamin was rather quiet and not his usual self, the mother got him to shower while she prepared a meal for him. She then left him alone at the dining hall, and made no further query about the offence he was alleged to have committed. It was until about 4.13pm after Benjamin’s mother received a call from the school counsellor to convey the message that the school has decided that Benjamin will not be attending the Secondary Three School Cohort Camp from 27 to 29 January 2016, and that was when they last spoke. Benjamin was told of the decision by the school’s authorities.

After a while, the mother called for Benjamin but there was no answer. Mother and sister then knocked on the bedroom door and realised that it was locked. That was the first time the door was locked. After they managed to enter into the room, there was no sign of Benjamin. One desktop fan which was supposed to be on the table; was on the floor and the window was open. They then rushed to the void deck, and Benjamin was lying motionless on the ground with his head facing down.

It was initially reported that family members had received timely updates from police and school authorities after Benjamin was taken away by five plainclothes police officers in two unmarked police vehicles. This statement was not accurate.

Benjamin’s mother was informed by police officer for the first time in the morning when Benjamin was already taken to the principle’s office. The police officer merely informed her that Benjamin would be taken to Ang Mo Kio police station for further investigation, and that the police will contact the family in the afternoon when he would be allowed to leave.

When the mother and sister arrived at the school, they were told by the discipline master and school counsellor that Benjamin was identified by CCTV footages and that no other information could be revealed. The next contact with the police was at Ang Mo Kio Police Division HQ, after the mother received a call to inform that Benjamin was arrested and she should bail him out. It should be noted at this point that the mother was taken to the investigator’s office (open plan office) for statement recording rather than being allowed to see her son.

It was not until 2.50pm before mother and sister finally saw Benjamin after he was brought out to the reception area. Until then, there was no further contact from the school. The only call that the mother received from the school counsellor was at 4.13pm on the same day, which was to inform Benjamin that school authorities decided that he was to be excluded from the Secondary Three School Cohort Camp. After the tragic death of Benjamin at 4.20pm, the father called the school from 5pm to 6pm but was not able to speak to the principal. It was not until the next day afternoon that the principal responded and returned call to Benjamin’s father.

The police arranged a meeting on 1 February 2016 between the officers from Ang Mo Kio Police Division HQ, police headquarter and immediate family members, accompanied by Member of Parliament Mr. Louis Ng. Information was shared within acceptable limits. It was agreed between parties that discussion and information disclosed in the meeting be kept confidential until the investigation has fully completed.

There are now reports and statements from the relevant authorities that procedure will be subjected to review in regard to police questioning of minors without the presence of an adult. As Benjamin’s father, I felt this is necessary, but it came too late. It is necessary because we pray that the same treatment my son received from the police, will never ever happen again to another child.

The school, in my opinion, should never have handed over my son to five police officers during recess hours without having to wait for the arrival of family members. I hate to think of the amount of fear he had at that moment, how helpless he was then. To be escorted to the car park from the principle’s office, one student in uniform accompanied by a few adults in civilian clothes with police ID cards, how discreet this could be? I felt the embarrassment and the shame my son was subjected to.

As Benjamin’s father, it broke my heart when I later found out that my son was brought to the principle’s office with one bun on his hand; and a drink on the other from the school canteen.

I cannot understand why the teacher; or office staff did not allow my son to at least finish his food at the canteen before he or she brought him to the principle’s office. It was reported that my son was allowed to finish his breakfast before being taken to the police station. But that was after the interview. My boy had his last meal in the school, a cold bun.

Those adults that were with him at that moment, the police officers and staffs of Northview Secondary School, may I take this opportunity to tell you that my son would prefer to have his meal when it is hot.

When Benjamin finally left the police station at 2.50pm, he told his mother and sister that he was not given anything to eat, nothing to drink throughout the 3 or more hours of engagement with police investigators in the police station. At his age, my son gets hungry very fast after one meal. Just a cold bun and a drink, and we cannot be sure if he did finish the bun because he was under pressure then. Benjamin must be feeling hungry, thirsty, throughout the few hours he was with the police investigator. I can imagine the anxiety felt by my son throughout the ordeal.

As Benjamin’s father, it is now my duty to seek justice for my son. We do not know if he has indeed committed the alleged offence of “outrage of modesty” of the 11-year-old girl. Until the coroner hearing, we do not want to speculate whether the offence has indeed taken place.

That said, as parents we cannot forget and we cannot forgive the way my son was treated, from the school to the time he was in police custody. I have this to say to the school authorities. We as parents we entrusted our children to you. You have a duty to ensure that our children are appropriately taken care of, reasonably protected and have their interest in your priority.

To the police, I have to tell you that by sending 5 plainclothes officers to one secondary school in 2 unmarked police vehicles is never discreet. You are there to look for one secondary 3 student. You are not there to apprehend an adult suspect with full ability to escape or capable in single combat.

To Benjamin’s friends and team mates from the National Police Cadet Corps, thank you for the lovely cards and your encouraging words to SGT (NPCC) Benjamin Lim. To his colleagues from McDonald’s, he loved his job and he was grateful to be part of the team. If the branch manager would allow, please give your consent for him to keep his staff’s ID card.

Last but not least, on behalf of the family, I thank everyone for coming forward to show their support to Benjamin. We have created an email account dedicated to Benjamin, [email protected]. Friends and members of public are welcome to write to us.

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Letters

Open Letter to MAS on NTUC Income Sale: Urgent Call for Comprehensive Review

Former NTUC Income CEO Tan Suee Chieh has written an open letter to the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) in response to a joint statement from NTUC Enterprise (NE) and Income Insurance dated 4 August 2024. In his letter, Tan reiterates his call for MAS to comprehensively scrutinise the proposed sale of NTUC Income to Allianz, highlighting key errors in the NTUC Joint Statement.

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FURTHER OPEN LETTER TO MAS ON THE SALE OF INCOME INSURANCE TO ALLIANZ EUROPE BV

Dear Chairman

  1. I refer to my open letter to the MAS dated 2 August 2024 and the Joint Statement from NTUC Enterprise (NE) and Income Insurance in dated 4 August 2024 (the “NTUC Joint Statement”).
  2. I have carefully considered the NTUC Joint Statement. For the reasons given below, I respectfully reiterate my call for the MAS to comprehensively scrutinise the proposed sale of the majority stake in NTUC Income to Allianz. The NTUC Join·t Statement claims that the arguments in my open letter are “not well founded” and “unfair”. I disagree. It is in fact the NTUC Joint Statement that has got some key points fundamentally wrong.
  3. First, there can be no question that when NE increased its shareholding in NTUC Income by 63 million shares between 2015 and 2020, it obtained those shares at a very steep discount to their true value.
    1. NE obtained those shares at par value of $10 per share when the true value of those shares was multiple times that.
    2. The NTUC Joint Statement, in fact, accepts that NE’s capital injection at par value of $10 per share between 2015 and 2020 was done without reference to NTUC Income’s prevailing net asset value.
    3. NE therefore enjoyed a significant “paper profit” in increasing its shareholding in NTUC Income from 30% to 70% at par value.
    4. It is also indisputable that, in the process, the minority in NTUC Income were diluted. They saw their shareholding reduced from 70% to 30% as a result of the 63 million extra shares that were issued to NE.
    5. As long as NTUC remained a co-operative society, this would not have made a difference because all members, including NE, could only exit at par value, regardless the real value of the shares. That is the nature of a co-operative.
    6. However, post the corporatisation exercise in 2022, all that changed! While all members could now deal with their NTUC Income shares, the fact remains that NE would have the benefit 70% of NTUC Income’s value, while the diluted minority would only get 30% of the value because of the 63 million extra shares that had been issued to NE between 2015 and 2020.
    7. In other words, the current plan to sell 51% of NTUC Income to Allianz generates a tremendous profit for NE on the shares which it had obtained at a mere par value. None of this windfall on the 63 million shares (not even 1%) is being shared with the minority who saw their shareholding diluted from 70% to 30%.
    8. If NTUC Income had remained a cooperative, this sale (and therefore the tremendous profit NE now seeks to keep totally for itself) would not have been possible.
  4. The NTUC Joint Statement avoids this reality. It points instead to the fact that the minority shareholders “voted overwhelmingly in favour of corporatisation”. Again, this fails to highlight some important realities:
    1. One, given NE’s overwhelming shareholding control in NTUC Income, the vote on corporatisation was going to pass in any event, regardless the views of the minority.
    2. Two, the minority was not in any event given any real choice in the matter. NE was already in the driver’s seat as majority shareholder. The minority could either join NE and vote for corporatisation (and with that, the chance to sell their shares to any willing buyer at higher than par value) OR be overruled. No vote was ever put to the minority whether NE should compensate them in any way for the dilution of their interest from 70% to 30%1 There should be no prize for guessing how the minority would have voted on this if it had been put to them.
  5. Secondly, the NTUC Joint Statement is completely wrong in stating that NE’s undertaking to hold on to the shares ”was not for an indefinite period”.
    1. The NTUC Joint Statement relies on a statement in a 21 November 2014 board meeting minute (”NE is willing to give an undertaking not to redeem the shares for at least 10 years”) to argue that that statement shows ”NTUC Enterprise’s commitment was not for an indefinite period”). This is fundamentally mistaken.
    2. I was the Group CEO of NE at the time and recall clearly that there were multiple meetings and discussions both at the NE and NTUC Income boards from around November 2014 to around February/ March 2015 where the following was discussed and related commitments were given by NE:
        1. It was anticipated that legislation would at some point in time in future be passed by Parliament to allow for irredeemable shares in co-operative societies to be issued to institutional members like NE.
        2. Pending passage of this legislation, NE undertook that should additional shares in NTUC Income be issued to it at par value, it would not redeem those shares for at least 10 years and further undertook that upon passage of the legislation, NE would convert all of those shares to irredeemable shares.
        3. further recall that informed the NTUC Income board that was confident that NE would be prepared to give an undertaking not to redeem those shares indefinitely. To the best of my recollection, sometime after the above 21 November 2014 board meeting that the NTUC Joint Statement relies on, NE gave such an undertaking to NTUC Income because NTUC Income’s board expected such a no time limit undertaking to be given.
        4. It is also a matter of public record that when the legislation was eventually passed, NE converted those shares into irredeemable shares. This is consistent with the undertakings that had been given.
        5. As I said in my earlier open letter, this commitment by NE not to redeem the shares in perpetuity was fundamental to NTUC Income allowing NE to obtain shares in NTUC Income at par value (and not at market or the true economic value for the shares). This assurance helped NE increase its shareholding in NTUC Income from 30% to 70%, all at a mere par value of the shares.
  6. So that this point can be put beyond doubt, invite the MAS to ask both NE and NTUC Income to produce all the relevant board meeting minutes and board papers in the period November 2014 to March 2015 covering the discussions on the undertaking that was given by NE. Also, given the public interest in this matter and since the NTUC Joint Statement has already voluntarily quoted from the 21 November 2014 NTUC Income board minutes on this issue, NE and NTUC Income should have not real objection to publicly release those additional minutes and board papers. The MAS and the public can then judge the matter for themselves.
  7. Third, it is important that when assurances and undertakings are given, they should be kept.
    1. As said above, NE gave a clear commitment not to redeem in perpetuity the additional shares which were to be issued to it at par value. 63 million shares were eventually issued upon that undertaking. That undertaking should be honoured.
    2. I had, in my earlier open letter, also referred to a separate assurance that was given in the NTUC Income letter of 10 February 2022. The NTUC Joint Statement says that the extract I relied on in that letter should be set out in full. This is curious given that I had actually included the full quote at paragraph 8 of my open letter.
    3. Not only that, but I also provided more details to show that, in giving that assurance, NTUC Income directly responded to my query on the ”permanence” of NE’s shareholding in NTUC Income.
    4. One must ask – how can it be that the further and separate assurance NTUC Income gave on 10 February 2022 that NE would “continue to remain the majority shareholder” of NTUC Income after corporatisation could be so quickly swept away within just 2 years by the present for profit sale to Allianz?

A binding commitment has been given by Allianz to subordinate its profit motive to NTUC’s social mission.

    1. Should NTUC’s social mission be eroded down the road and commentators point to these statements made by NE today, would NE blandly say that it cannot overrule Allianz because it is a minority shareholder and that it had done its best to “provide direction towards the social outcomes” but Allianz did not heed such direction?
    2. Respectfully, the NTUC Joint Statement ultimately misses the woods for the trees.

I end by thanking you, Chairman, and the MAS for considering my letters. I sincerely hope the MAS will carefully scrutinise the proposed sale of NTUC Income to Allianz in the interests of Singaporeans.

Tan Suee Chieh
Director, NTUC Income (2003-2017) CEO, NTUC Income (2007-2013) GCEO, NTUC Enterprise (2013-2017)
5 August 2024

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Letters

Open letter to MAS on sale of Income Insurance to Allianz

In an open letter to Mr Gan Kim Yong, Chairman of the MAS Board, Tan Suee Chieh, former CEO of NTUC Income, raises concerns about the sale of a majority stake in NTUC Income to Allianz. He highlights issues of corporate governance, NE’s previous commitments, and the potential erosion of NTUC Income’s social mission.

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by Tan Suee Chieh, Director, NTUC Income (2003-2017) CEO, NTUC Income (2007-2013) GCEO, NTUC Enterprise (2013-2017)

To: Chairman, MAS Board, Mr Gan Kim Yong Dear Chairman

  1. This is an open letter to the MAS. The sale of a majority stake in NTUC Income to Allianz has been reported in the news as causing a “public outcry” and raising various concerns (see Mr Han Fook Kwang’s commentary of 1 August 2024 on Channel News Asia).

  1. I wish to raise an even more important serious corporate governance issue which needs urgent attention. To fully appreciate this issue, I need to highlight two key events which are precursors to this sale: first, NTUC Enterprise (NE)’s obtaining shares in NTUC Income at a mere par value of $10 per share from 2015 to 2020 and not the true economic or market value of the shares; and second, NTUC Income’s corporatisation in 2022. Important assurances were given on both occasions.

  1. First, NTUC Enterprise (NE) injected $630 million into NTUC Income from 2015 to 2020 in return for shares at a par value of $10 per share. It did not pay the true market or economic value for those shares. In other words, NE obtained shares worth far more than the $630 million it had injected into NTUC Income. Indeed, today, NE can sell the shares at $40.58 each. The consequence of those capital injections was that NTUC minority shareholders at the time had their shares diluted. Indeed, as a result of those capital injections, NE’s shareholding in NTUC Income increased very significantly from 30% in 2015 to 70% in 2020.

  1. This was arguably defensible at the time because NE had committed not to redeem the shares in perpetuity. I was the Group CEO of NE at that time and played a significant role in assuring and persuading NTUC Income’s independent directors of NE’s commitment, that NE would not redeem its capital (NE shares would be permanent). The purpose of NE making this commitment was to safeguard the social mission of NTUC Income in the long term. As an aside, there were also two other rationales at the time for the exercise, namely, improving NTUC Income’s financial position with the capital injection and also rewarding NE for enduring risk asymmetry i.e. NE had to underwrite Income’s financial position in adverse financial scenarios, whereas minority shareholders were not obliged to.

  1. The argument at the time was that with NE’s increased shareholding in NTUC Income, NE would have greater moral authority to prevent mission drift by the social enterprise.

  1. Hence, as can be seen from the above, NE’s commitment not to redeem the shares in perpetuity was fundamental to NTUC Income allowing NE to obtain shares in NTUC Income at par value (and not at market or the true economic value for the shares). This assurance helped NE increase its shareholding in NTUC Income from 30% to 70%, all at a mere par value of the shares.

  1. Second, a serious concern to NE’s commitment arose in 2022 when there was public concern over NTUC Income’s corporatisation exercise. One needs to understand the difference between co-operatives and corporations. Unlike in corporations, shares in co-operatives can always be redeemed at book value and therefore cannot be counted as Tier 1 regulatory capital. In 2018, the government introduced new cooperative legislation to allow shares in cooperatives to be irredeemable (permanent), enabling them to be counted as Tier 1 regulatory capital. NE was a key player in persuading the government to enact this legislation. NE’s share class was transferred to this category after the legislation was enacted.

  2. When NTUC Income became a corporation in 2022, I was concerned that the laws governing corporations would not necessarily bind NE to its commitment to hold its shares in NTUC Income permanently, despite the assurance from NTUC Income in writing that NE was committed to a majority shareholding. There were commitments made by NE and NTUC Income in 2022 that NE would remain majority shareholder in the new corporation, both to the public and to me in writing. The corporatisation of NTUC Income raised the possibility that despite providing commitments to hold their investments permanently, NE could sell its shares in NTUC Income. Given this, I expressed my concerns about the corporatisation of NTUC Income (see my previous letter to MAS of 13 February 2022). I also previously quoted in that letter to MAS of 13 February 2022 from the letter sent to me by NTUC Income on 10 February 2022: “You have raised two further points in your latest letter. First, you mention the reference in our 19 January letter to NE’s majority shareholding in Newco, and ask after the permanence of this. …

On the first issue, NE has publicly expressed its commitment to Income. It has confirmed that, notwithstanding the corporatisation, it will continue to be the majority shareholder of Newco, and will continue to provide its financial and other backing to Income pursuant to its 2012 letter of responsibility, as required by the regulator, subject always to the interests of Income, which must remain paramount.” (emphasis added)

  1. My fears materialised with the recent news that a majority stake in NTUC Income would be sold to Allianz. Given the background outlined above, the sale of NTUC Income to Allianz is a disconcerting departure from NE’s commitment and aforementioned “confirmation” and in turn, a fundamental erosion of the social mission of NTUC Income.

  1. It is clear that NE obtained very substantial shares in NTUC Income at par value with minority shareholders being diluted in the process and is now seeking to sell those very same shares at market value. How is NE going to account to the minorities for NE’s substantial windfall which was previously justified on the basis of its commitment to hold on to those shares permanently? In 2022, I argued that, to address this dilution, NE should share its very significant gains in obtaining the shares at a mere par value with minority shareholders who came before them, as NE was investing at $10 per share when the value of the shares was multiple times that, thus diluting the economic interests of the minority shareholders. My argument was not directly addressed. Instead, assurances (quoted above) were given that NE would remain a majority shareholder of Income (after corporatisation) and this purportedly addressed the concerns I had raised.

  1. Crucially, Allianz is a commercial profit-making entity. It is difficult to see how Allianz as a majority shareholder in control of NTUC Income is going to prioritise the social mission of NTUC Income over Allianz’s own profits. Indeed, I am not aware of any such binding commitment that has been given by Allianz to subordinate its profit motive to NTUC’s social mission.

  1. In the last two weeks, I have felt deeply disappointed with the NTUC Enterprise and NTUC Income Boards because I took the assurances in 2022 in good faith.

  2. I urge the MAS to comprehensively scrutinise the proposed sale of the majority stake in NTUC Income to Allianz in light of the above history and commitments given by NE. There is no question that the regulator’s approval is required for the sale. Even NTUC Income has publicly stated that this approval is a pre-condition for the sale.

  3. I ask this question: at what point in time was protecting the social mission of NTUC Income no longer an imperative? As citizens and NTUC members, we fairly deserve an answer.

  1. As you can see from this turn of events, this is not merely about the sale of Income to Allianz, or only about the social mission of our cooperatives. At heart, it is about the integrity of commitments given by institutions on which we rely to safeguard our nation’s economic well-being and citizens’ interests.

  1. Surely, we must rightly expect commitments to be kept and also that when there is a risk of departure from such public commitments, for the regulators to step in, investigate, and take the necessary action, all with full transparency in the process. It is in this spirit that I am writing this as an open letter to the MAS.

  2. Thank you for your attention.

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