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Highlights of the Forum on the Elected Presidency

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Dr Tan Cheng Bock’s intention to contest in the next Presidential Elections (PE) on Friday morning (11 March) was but a curtain-raiser for what is set to be a long drawn battle for the office of the Elected Presidency. The next Presidential Election will only be due by 26 August 2017.

The incumbent President, Tony Tan Keng Yam, will still be eligible for re-election, although he has yet to express his desire to run for office again.

Also in the works is the Menon Constitutional Commission – a potential game changer, or as we like to call it around these parts, a potential goalpost shift.

With a potential candidate and the very institution of the elected presidency up for review, it is of utmost importance for us citizens to keep abreast of not only the developments, but also the fundamentals of the office of the elected presidency.

The forum on the Elected Presidency held last weekend featured a thorough and thought-provoking speeches by distinguished speakers Prof Kevin Tan and Dr Ian Chong that would help you, the reader, to be in the know.

In this piece, I aim to summarize the highlights of the forum.

Shift in Goalposts?

The Constitutional Commission, constituting of 9 men who, arguably, are cut from the same cloth, was commissioned by PM Lee earlier this year to review the office of the Elected Presidency.

The Constitution were given 3 Terms of Reference to focus their deliberations on. Views from the general public on the three following areas were also sought.
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As the incumbent Tony Tan, won the last Presidential Elections with only 35.20%, I wouldn’t blame the more cynical amongst us for viewing the reviews simply as an exercise to entrench candidates endorsed by the People’s Action Party (PAP) in the Istana.

In fact, some even go as far as to argue that this exercise is simply to disqualify Dr Tan Cheng Bock or another candidate like him from running in the next PE.

Will there be changes to the Qualifications?

Will there be changes to the Qualifications?

After all, as the runner up in PE 2011,Dr Tan Check Bock won only 0.35% less votes than Tony. A margin that may be too close for comfort. A margin, that seems to have re-triggered what gave rise to the Elected Presidency in the first place – Paranoia.

“The office of the Elected Presidency is all the result of one man’s paranoia.” – Professor Kevin YL Tan

One Man’s Paranoia

Chiam See Tong and JB Jeyaretanam

Chiam See Tong and JB Jeyaretanam

The idea for the Elected Presidency was first mooted in the 1980s, where PAP’s hegemony in Parliament was first broken by the election of JB Jeyaretanam and Chiam See Tong in 1981 and 1984 respectively.

Even though the PAP held all but 2 seats in Parliament House, the Premier Lee was still very wary of the potential that a Non-PAP Government might one day come to light.

In order to prevent such a Government from emptying our coffers and causing the nation to crawl on it’s bended knees, the Elected Presidency was introduced as a safeguard against “bad governance”.

With Powers such as the right to withhold assent to bills and withhold drawing from reserves vested in the office of the Elected Presidency, it is clear how a President endorsed by the powers that be can be a roadblock for a Parliament House filled with color.
ong-teng-cheong-sgag
Ong Teng Cheong, the first elected President was first elected into office in 1991. Despite being the PAP-endorsed candidate, not many foresaw the tremendous impact he had on the Office.

Loyal to his new post, he cut off all partisan ties and became a real pain in the neck for the Goh Chok Tong administration by doing exactly what the Elected President was supposed to do – check on the Government. Following their ‘blunder’, the PAP endorsed candidates since then have been, more or less, subservient to the Government.

A Position of High Moral Authority?

Ong Teng Cheong, as Prof Kevin Tan argues, was the only President who could clearly say that he had the moral authority to make the decisions that rested with the Office. Only with two men vying for the post, can the eventual winner claim the right to a moral mandate.

This is because the winner will have to win the support a majority of Singaporeans. In the case of the last PE, if a Presidential Elect won with 35% of the votes, does he really have the moral authority to withhold assent to bills passed by the Government who have the support of 70% of the populace? It would seem almost absurd. Ideally, such a scenario can be prevented with a run-off between the two highest polling candidates but that didn’t happen in the last round of hustling.

Tan also argued that in the case of SR Nathan’s Presidency, he had absolutely no moral mandate as he ran uncontested. An exercise of public affirmation was not undertaken either. Tan shared with the audience about a conversation he once had with SR Nathan at the Istana.

SR Nathan: This man (Kevin Tan) says that I wasn’t properly elected.
Prof Kevin: Sir, I never did say that you were not properly elected. I only said that you were not elected



Minority Representation in the Office

One of the Terms of References for the Menon Commission was the possibility of guaranteeing minority representation in Parliament. Some have likened the proposal as one that attempts to square a circle.

This is not because Minorities aren’t good enough for Office but because the two ideas of egalitarianism and minority representation seem, prima facie, to be at loggerheads.

President Yusof Bin Ishak, the only Malay Head of State to date.

President Yusof Bin Ishak, the only Malay Head of State to date.

Some ideas which were raised in the forum during the Q&A session to ensure Minority Representation included designating a Minority Election once every 4 terms. By far the most interesting idea that emanated was having a ‘GRC System’.

“An idea that I proposed recently was to have a GRC system. A team of 3 candidates from different races will run. Since a Presidential Term lasts for 6 years, each member of the team will hold the office for 2 years. Since the President can nominate two members to the Council of Presidential Advisors, the other two will sit in the CPA with one chairing it. In the event of the President’s absence, the CPA Chair will take his place under the current provisions. Under this proposal, even the CPA Chair will have the mandate to take over the Office.” – Prof Kevin Tan

Another alternative is, of course, a upper chamber – much like the House of Lords of our former Colonial Masters.

This idea was quickly dismissed by PM Lee in his speech regarding Constitutional changes in Parliament earlier this year.

The crux of PM Lee’s argument seemed to be that Singapore is too small to need an Upper House and what an Upper House can do, an Elected President can do better – with the need for a mandate. As we saw in the arguments above, mandates are not a given when it comes to the Elected Presidency.



Conclusion

The proposals of the Menon Commission will be due by the third quarter of this year. With the announcement of Dr Tan Cheng Bock’s candidacy, there will be increased scrutiny of the proposals to ensure an absence of any ulterior political motive. As Yudhish, an undergrad, put it,

“Forthcoming Constitutional amendments will inevitably be viewed through the lens of his candidacy – i.e. the G won’t be able to get away with relegating his response to a “post-amendment media soundbite” that’ll die off before the polls. Any move to suppress his attempt will result in an unhappy electorate. The G will have to tread carefully.”

It is often said that in the UK, the Queen reigns while Parliament rules. In fact, I would go as far as to argue that whether we get a President who is Ceremonial or Custodial in nature would depend on the actions and omissions of our future President himself.

Despite the increased cycnicsm, I hope we get to see a President that will return to the roots of the Office. A President that raises the bar set by Ong Teng Cheong.

Personally, it matters not whether the President comes from a minority race, what matters to me and many Singaporeans is whether the President has the interests of the majority of Singaporeans at heart and acts on it – even if it means burning bridges. What we need is a President that is loyal not to old friends but to the Office and the masses.

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Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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