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Human Rights Watch urges US authorities to favorably consider Amos Yee's case of asylum

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Phil Robertson, Deputy Asia Director of Human Rights Watch’s statement on the asylum case of Amos Yee Pang Sang in support of his asylum
Human Rights Watch is an international human rights organization with our headquarters in New York. Our work focuses on investigating and exposing government violations of international human rights standards around the world, including in Singapore.
I oversee our work on Singapore, which is publicly available on our website at https://www.hrw.org/asia/singapore. I write to you to raise the case of Amos Yee Pang Sang, a Singapore national, and support his application for political asylum. Yee is being held at the McHenry County Adult Correctional Facility in Woodstock, Illinois, after landing in the United States and seeking political asylum on December 16, 2016, at O’Hare Airport in Chicago. He will have a master calendar hearing on his claim with Judge Samuel B. Cole at 9 a.m. on January 30, 2017. We also urge that the court decide to release Yee from detention at that time.
Human Rights Watch has been closely monitoring the Singapore government’s case against Amos Yee Pang Sang since as a 16-year-old he first posted his video “Lee Kuan Yew is Dead” on March 27, 2015, setting off a debate about the role of Singapore’s long-time Prime Minister and pre-eminent political leader who had passed away four days before Yee released his video.
We examined both the video and Yee’s subsequent comments about the video, and found he simply engaged in political speech that deserves protection under the principle of freedom of expression. Our view was expressed in a press release where I stated, “Nothing that Amos Yee said or posted should ever have been considered criminal – much less merit incarceration.
Nevertheless, Singapore prosecutors charged Yee with violating penal code article 298 (“uttering words with deliberate intent to wound the religious or racial feelings of any person”), punishable by three years in prison and a fine. The law, by its terms, requires no intent to incite violence and no evidence that incitement occurred or violence resulted. He was also charged under penal code article 292(1)(a) for transmitting obscene materials, punishable by a fine. Prosecutors filed a third charge, for violating the Prevention of Harassment Act, which outlaws “use [of] any threatening, abusive or insulting words or behavior,” but later withdrew that charge.
In fact, Yee’s speech in his video is clearly satirical and political. The article 298 charge relates to his comparison of Lee Kuan Yew to Jesus Christ and Christianity, raising issues of deceit and manipulation, between 2:34 and 3:12 in the video, while the obscenity charge arose from a crude cartoon of a couple having sex, with the photos of the heads of Lee Kuan Yew and former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher superimposed – clearly an image intended to crudely disparage these two political leaders and their close political relationship.
No evidence has ever been put forward that the video, the satirical intent of which is quite clear, incited violence or other actions against Christians. Singapore’s punitive approach in its handling of Yee’s case demonstrates that he was being persecuted for his political opinions and his willingness to disparage Singapore political founding father Lee Kuan Yew, whose son, Lee Hsien Loong, is the current Prime Minister of Singapore.
The government went to extraordinary lengths to restrict Yee’s free expression rights after his arrest. Bail conditions set on March 31, 2015, included a gag order that Yee not post any content or comments online while his case was ongoing. After he posted a note seeking donations to support his cause, the court immediately called him for violating his bail, and jailed him from April 17 to 21. On April 29, he again posted content online, and the next day was jailed at Changi Prison until his trial. On June 2, the court ordered an assessment of Yee’s suitability to be ordered into the Reformative Training Center (RTC) program, a “reform” program for hard-core repeat offenders and juvenile gang members that would have seen Yee held for 18 months to three years. The fact that the authorities seriously considered sending a child convicted of a nonviolent, speech-related offense to such a program is a telling indication of how Singapore viewed forceful political criticism such as Yee’s.
That decision to try Amos breached article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the provisions of which are widely recognized as customary international law. That article states that: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”
At the time of his trial, Amos was also still a child under international human rights law, which sets the age limit at under 18 years old. However, Singapore chose to try him as an adult in clear contravention of the government’s obligations as a state party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
The CRC, which Singapore ratified in 1995, states that children are only to be detained “as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time,” and that in all government actions concerning
children, “the best interests of the child shall be the primary consideration.” It further specifically “guarantees children’s rights to freedom of expression.”
Yet, when authorities first brought Yee to court for his trial on May 7, he was handcuffed and had his legs shackled. Such treatment of an accused violates the right to be considered innocent until proven guilty and is a violation of due process and fair trial rights. Yee was convicted on May 12 of both charges, and a pre-sentencing hearing was set for June 23. At that time, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Regional Office for Southeast Asia raised serious concerns that Singapore was failing to comply with its obligations to consider the “best interests of the child,” and called for “the immediate release of Amos in line with its commitment under the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child.
Finally, on July 6, after pressure by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, OHCHR, and others, the court sentenced Yee to one week on the obscenity charge and three weeks for the section 298 charge, to run consecutively. Since the sentence was backdated to June 2, Yee was considered to have completed his full sentence and released. Yee once again began posting comments on his blog and Facebook page, including posts that were critical of the ruling Peoples’ Action Party and posts criticizing religion, and the Singapore government once again prosecuted him for exercising his freedom of expression.
On November 27, 2015, Yee, still under the age of 18, uploaded a post on his personal blog condemning former Singapore Member of Parliament Calvin Cheng for a statement about killing “terrorists’ children” and attacking Islam. This was one of a number of online postings that Yee made between November 2015 and May 2016, criticizing religion in a general way. Police arrested him on May 11, 2016, and charged him with eight counts of “deliberate intent to wound religious or racial feelings.” While some of his statements certainly may have hurt sensibilities of Muslims and Christians, his speech did not advocate any sort of violence, and simply reflected his disdain for organized religion.
Such speech should not be treated as criminal, yet it was by Singapore authorities. Yee, who represented himself at the trial, ultimately pleaded guilty to the charges, and on September 29, 2016, a court sentenced him to six weeks in prison.
Human Rights Watch closely monitored this second case, and it is our view that Yee was clearly prosecuted because he expressed views disfavored by the Singapore government. I stated that “by prosecuting Amos Yee for his comments, no matter how outrageous they may have been, Singapore has unfortunately doubled down on a strategy that clearly violates freedom of expression.
We agree with the statement by David Kaye, UN special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, who said about the case, “the lesson that somebody can be thrown in jail for their speech is exactly the wrong kind of message that any government should be sending to anybody, but especially to young people.
Based on our research and analysis, Human Rights Watch believes that Amos Yee Pang Sang, whose history of criticizing religion and Singapore’s ruling party gives the Singaporean authorities an incentive to monitor his speech, and who has already been prosecuted twice for peaceful expression, faces a serious threat of political persecution if he is returned to Singapore. I therefore urge the US authorities to favorably consider his case, release him from custody, and grant political asylum to Amos Yee Pang Sang.

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Civil Society

Lim Chin Joo remembered for his contributions to Singapore’s anti-colonial movement

Singaporeans mourn Lim Chin Joo, younger brother of Lim Chin Siong, who passed away at age 87. Political dissident Tan Wah Piow, historian Dr Thum Ping Tjin, and former Minister George Yeo paid tribute to Mr Lim, highlighting his significant contributions to the anti-colonial movement and his later involvement in Singapore’s historical studies.

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Following the news of the passing of Lim Chin Joo (林清如) at age 87, a former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Sosialis leader Lim Chin Siong, many Singaporeans from civil society, as well as those involved in political, literary, or historical studies, expressed their condolences on social media.

According to Lianhe Zaobao, Mr Lim, a former student activist and former president of the Ee Hoe Hean Club, sustained a severe head injury on 1 October 2024 after an accidental fall and was rushed to the hospital.

He passed away the following night, leaving behind his widow, four children, and several grandchildren.

Lawyer Tan Wah Piow, a political dissident and former student leader from the 1970s, recalled a chance encounter with Lim Chin Joo on 4 October 2016 at a pedestrian crossing in Bayswater, London.

Lim introduced himself, and although both were headed to different restaurants for dinner, they briefly parted ways. Later that evening, Tan managed to meet Lim again at the Mandarin Kitchen, where they took a photo together.

Tan expressed regret that they didn’t have more time to converse. Although they maintained occasional contact over the years, they could not meet again, largely due to the COVID-19 pandemic and Lim’s health condition.

Mr Tan noted that while Lim Chin Joo was widely recognised as the brother of Lim Chin Siong, “In his own right, Chin Joo was a patriot whose political journey began as a middle school student activist.”

He highlighted Mr Lim’s contributions to the anti-colonial movement, later becoming a trade unionist.

Lim shared the fate of many Chinese-educated youths at the time, suffering imprisonment without trial—first under British rule in 1957, and later until 1966, even after Singapore attained self-rule and independence.

“Why did his own government imprison him without trial after the British left? That was the subject I would love to explore.”

Mr Tan also remarked that despite the interruptions to Lim’s life, he managed to qualify and practice as a lawyer in Singapore.

“That evening, the subject of Chin Joo’s brother Lim Chin Siong, weighed heavily on my mind. This was because within 100 yards of the restaurant where I was dining, Lim Chin Siong once lived and worked during his exile in the 1970s.”

“Arrested without trial in 1963, Lim Chin Siong was exiled to London in 1969 as a condition of his release. The six years of imprisonment from 1963 to his exile greatly affected this national hero’s health and well-being. ”

Mr Lim’s Significant Contributions to Singapore’s Civil Society and Historical Study

Dr Thum Ping Tjin, a Singaporean historian and activist, shared in a Facebook post on Sunday (6 October) that Mr Lim was highly supportive of his work, assisting with his research and showing great enthusiasm for the publication of Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore, 1953-63.

Despite being very unwell, Mr Lim was insistent on meeting up to discuss the book.

“He even bought a dozen copies of my book on the spot! He was also really looking forward to my upcoming biography of his brother, Lim Chin Siong.”

“I’m sad that he will not be able to read it. Rest in Power, Chin Joo.”

Illustrator Sonny Liew also recalled that Mr Lim, along with the Ee Hoe Hean Club, provided a small grant to support the development of a new graphic novel some years ago.

Mr Lim also assisted with a book launch at Grassroots Book Room (草根書室) in 2019.

Separately, historian Dr Loh Kah Seng shared his first meeting with Mr Lim in 2007 while working on his PhD. Dr Loh explained that he had reached out to Mr Lim because of his experience working at the Land Office after his release from detention.

“He picked me up and drove me to his house. He told me a few things about squatter laws and reiterated that he would not talk about his brother. ”

Dr Loh also noted that Mr Lim mentioned he was working on his memoir at the time. The memoir was published in 2014, and Mr Lim kindly sent him a copy. By then, he had become more open about sharing his story and Singapore’s history.

Former Foreign Affairs Minister George Yeo Pays Tribute to Lim Chin Joo

Former Minister for Foreign Affairs George Yeo also shared a photo with the late Lim Chin Joo in remembrance of him.

In her tribute, Singaporean writer Loo Li San expressed deep sorrow over the passing of Lim Chin Joo, reflecting on his profound influence on her and others in Singapore.

She shared personal memories, highlighting his encouragement for her writing and how he served as both a mentor and a guiding figure in her life.

She recalled what Mr Lim told her: ‘Li San, would you like to write for Yihe Shiji  (怡和世纪, quarterly publication by Ee Hoe Hean Club)?’

‘You can write anything; I love to read whatever you write.’

Ms Loo emphasised that his legacy would continue to inspire her and others to strive for greatness.

From Student Activist to Legal Scholar

Born in 1937 in Pontian, Johor, Lim Chin Joo attended The Chinese High School in Singapore after World War II, and became actively involved in student and labour movements, notably as a key member of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union in 1957.

At the age of 20, he was detained under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance, now known as the Internal Security Act (ISA).

His detention lasted nine years, during which he pursued his education and earned a Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of London.

Upon his release in 1966, he joined the Singapore government’s elite administrative service, later transitioning to private legal practice in 1973, where he continued to work until his retirement in 2002.

Lim authored several books, including My Youth in Black and White, reflecting on his life and his brother, Lim Chin Siong, and in his later years, he served as an honorary adviser to the Ee Hoe Hean Club, a gathering place for Chinese businessmen in Singapore.

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Civil Society

Lim Chin Joo, younger brother of Lim Chin Siong, passes away at age 87

Lim Chin Joo, former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Sosialis leader Lim Chin Siong, passed away at 87. Involved in the student movement, Lim was detained in 1957. After his release in 1966, he served as a land revenue collector before transitioning to legal practice. He also authored books about his brother and his time in detention.

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SINGAPORE: Lim Chin Joo (林清如), former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Socialis leader Lim Chin Siong  (林清祥), has passed away at the age of 87.

According to an obituary seen by The Online Citizen, the former student activist’s wake was held from 3 October to 6 October at Singapore Casket, Regency Hall, located at 131 Lavender Street.

His funeral service took place on Sunday (6 October), at 8.35 am, followed by cremation at Mandai Crematorium Hall 3 at 10.20 am.

According to Lianhe Zaobao, Lim sustained a severe head injury on 1 October after an accidental fall and was taken to the hospital.

He passed away the following night. Lim leaves behind his widow, four children, and several grandchildren.

His daughter, Lim Danliang, noted that despite surviving two major heart surgeries in the last five years, he had come to terms with his deteriorating health and made clear arrangements for his funeral, keeping it a private affair for close family members only.

Born in 1937 in Pontian, Johor, Lim Chin Joo was the third of 12 children.

His early life was marked by the challenges of the Japanese occupation, during which his family fled to the rubber plantations to escape the conflict.

In the aftermath of the war, Lim attended The Chinese High School (now part of Hwa Chong Institution) in Singapore, where he became involved in local student and labour movements.

He was a key member of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union and became deeply engaged in the political climate of the time.

Detained in August 1957

In August 1957, at the age of 20, he was detained under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance, now known as the Internal Security Act (ISA).

His detention lasted nine years, during which he was held in various locations, including Changi Prison, the Central Police Station, and St. John’s Island.

This period of his life coincided with pivotal moments in Singapore’s history, including the 1959 Legislative Assembly election, the 1962 merger referendum, the 1963 election, and the separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965.

While incarcerated, Lim took the opportunity to further his education. He pursued academic qualifications and, at the age of 28, obtained a Bachelor of Laws degree with second-class honours from the University of London.

Lim Accepted Lee Kuan Yew’s Offer and Became Land Revenue Collector

Upon his release in 1966, he took up a position in the Singapore government’s elite administrative service.

In a 2019 interview with Mothership, Lim shared that he had met with then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, who offered him a role in the Ministry of Law as a collector of land revenue.

Lim accepted the position and played a role in the acquisition of Pulau Tekong, remaining in public service for seven years.

In 1973, Lim transitioned to private legal practice, establishing himself as a lawyer. He continued his law career until his retirement in 2002.

Lim also authored several books, including memoirs that reflected on his life and his relationship with his older brother, Lim Chin Siong.

In his book My Youth in Black and White, Lim chronicled his experiences from childhood through to his years as a student activist and brief stint as a trade unionist before his arrest.

He described his brother as “a man with a big heart” who always sought to bring people together.

In his later years, Lim volunteered as an honorary adviser to the Ee Hoe Hean Club, a gathering place for Chinese businessmen in Singapore.

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