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Readers question Mothership’s repeated feature of ex-NMP Calvin Cheng

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Mothership readers have expressed confusion over the online news outlet’s consistent choice to invite Mr Calvin Cheng, a former Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP), to their podcast and interviews despite his controversial remarks, which many Singaporeans find out of touch.

Some readers have suggested that Mothership could provide more value by inviting other critics or interviewing everyday Singaporeans to better capture diverse perspectives on current issues.

This is not Mr Cheng’s first appearance on Mothership’s podcast; he was featured on the ‘Help Desk’ podcast for the second time, just two weeks after his initial interview.

In the latest podcast which published on Wednesday (21 August) on YouTube and Facebook, the host, referring Mr Cheng as a “former NMP now lifestyle sexy influencer”, sought his views on the series of announcements made by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong during his first National Day Rally (NDR) speech on 18 August.

Mr Cheng praised PM Wong for demonstrating effective communication skills, drawing comparisons to past leaders such as founding father Lee Kuan Yew.

He noted Wong’s emphasis on refreshing Singapore’s social compact, which he interpreted as a move towards more left-wing policies, including more compassionate and inclusive governance.

Cheng emphasized that the introduction of the Job Seekers Allowance is a significant shift in Singapore’s policy landscape, marking a break from past resistance to welfarism.

Interestingly, Mr Cheng, also shared the podcast on his personal Facebook page, calling his fans to “say nice things” about him on Mothership’s page.

Readers: Cheng’s frequent appearances are unnecessary

Comments on Mothership’s Facebook post and YouTube have seen some readers questioning the platform’s decision to repeatedly invite Mr Cheng for interviews.

They argue that his frequent appearances are unnecessary and that he is receiving undue publicity. Some argued that Mothership could feature more relevant commentators to address Singapore’s socio-economic issues.

A comment suggested that instead of interviewing Cheng, Mothership should focus on more relatable and potentially insightful perspectives, such as interviewing ordinary Singaporeans in HDB blocks, to better understand their pressing concerns about their livelihoods.

On Mr Cheng’s skepticism about retrenchment benefits, a reader echoed the same sentiment, citing concerns that this move goes against Singapore’s historical emphasis on self-reliance and warnings from the nation’s founding leaders about the dangers of a welfare state.

However, this comment was countered by others who acknowledged that Singapore is undergoing a significant economic transition and emphasized the importance of adapting to new economic realities.

“We are actually a little behind already. Have to start somewhere or else we are gonna fall behind big time, and this jobseeker welfare benefit serves only as a temporal relief because you will see jobs being axed in days to come. ”

The netizen suggested for broader strategy to prepare Singaporeans for the evolving job market rather than as a long-term solution.

A netizen expressed strong disagreement with Calvin Cheng’s anti-welfare stance, arguing that welfare benefits, such as jobseeker allowances, are crucial for supporting individuals who are jobless and struggling to adjust after being retrenched.

Cheng’s recent controversial remarks draw criticism from online community

Despite being a vocal critic of Singapore’s socio-political issues, Cheng’s comments often spark public outcry, as they are sometimes perceived as out of touch with ordinary Singaporeans.

In January 2024, commenting on the Land Transport Authority’s (LTA) decision to reinstate the old system for public transport payment cards, Cheng suggested that if the LTA proceeded with its initial plan of eliminating EZ-Link cards and Nets FlashPay cards, it could save S$40 million.

He proposed that those advocating for the old system should bear the cost of its continuation.

His remarks were met with criticism from netizens, who argued that the importance of transparency regarding the S$40 million expenditure on maintaining the existing system should be acknowledged.

They questioned the need for such spending when the current system is functioning well and advised Cheng against shifting the responsibility to the general public.

In July 2024, Cheng faced criticism for sarcastically suggesting that during a food crisis, the wealthy would eat meat while others would be left with insects, following the Singapore Food Agency’s (SFA) approval of 16 species of insects for consumption in Singapore.

Regarding the potential sale of NTUC Income to the German insurer Allianz, Cheng stated in a 26 July Mothership interview that nothing should be considered a “sacred cow” if it no longer serves its purpose effectively.

His view was challenged by the online community, with some arguing that his logic of selling NTUC Income because it does not offer the cheapest insurance ignores the real issue: why a cooperative originally funded by the public is not fulfilling its original mission.

In a 6 August Facebook post, Cheng criticized Professor Tommy Koh, Ambassador-At-Large at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for opposing the NTUC Income sale, labeling Koh’s opinion as “misleading Singaporeans with his populist and incorrect postings.”

Cheng argued that NTUC Income cannot be considered the “people’s insurer” as suggested by Prof Koh, who is also the Chairman of the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS).

In an earlier ‘Help Desk’ podcast with Mothership, Mr Cheng faced criticism from netizens for downplaying the issue of gerrymandering in Singapore.

While Cheng argued that Singapore’s ethnic integration policy and the lack of racial or socioeconomic enclaves make gerrymandering challenging, some netizens questioned whether altering the boundaries of closely contested constituencies and incorporating them into stronghold GRCs could still effectively weaken opposition votes.

The post Readers question Mothership’s repeated feature of ex-NMP Calvin Cheng appeared first on Gutzy Asia.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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