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Lawrence Wong must face MPs in Parliament, not hide behind compliant media

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On Friday, marking his 100th day in office, Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong held a press conference following his National Day Rally speech, where he reiterated the importance of such engagements.

He opened by reaffirming his earlier promise: “I had mentioned earlier that I would hold press conferences from time to time to share my thinking with Singaporeans, through the media.”

In the press conference, which lasted over 40 minutes, Mr Wong addressed issues such as the cost of living, which he did not cover in his National Day Rally speech, and how more shocks and crises can be expected in the coming years due to increasing geopolitical tensions and armed conflicts.

However, while many answers were given, many more questions that members of the public have remained unanswered.

Media reports on the press conference—by publications directly or indirectly funded by the government—resemble more a press release or propaganda piece for Mr Wong and his party rather than offering any real scrutiny on how the government plans to address the issues that concern many Singaporeans.

While press conferences offer a platform to share updates and future plans, they lack the rigorous scrutiny that a parliamentary session provides.

Instead of opting for controlled media interactions, Mr Wong should prioritize answering questions directly in parliament, where his statements can be challenged and examined by elected representatives.

Earlier in May—before he was officially sworn in as Singapore’s fourth Prime Minister—Mr Wong pledged to hold more press conferences to better communicate the government’s “thinking and considerations” to the public once he formally took office.

However, since his swearing-in, it has become apparent that critical questions — both oral and written —from members of parliament for the past July and August sittings of Parliament are being answered by his colleagues in the Prime Minister’s Office rather than by Mr Wong himself.

A notable example is the response to the Progress Singapore Party’s (PSP) motion calling for a review of how electoral boundaries are drawn.

Given that Mr Wong, as Prime Minister, would have the most comprehensive understanding of the electoral boundary review process as he would be the one directing the committee on how to redraw boundaries, he would be expected to address such questions directly.

Instead, Minister for Education and Minister-in-Charge of Public Service Chan Chun Sing was tasked with responding.

He made statements that fell short of expectations, including the perplexing remark that he could not answer questions on behalf of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) because he was not part of it.

Worst of all, when asked a direct question as to where there is gerrymandering in Singapore, Mr Chan chose not to answer the question but said that he left it for the public to decide.

This approach raises concerns about Mr Wong’s commitment to transparency and accountability with Singaporeans.

While his intention to communicate through press conferences was meant to enhance the public’s understanding of government decisions, this method appears more focused on controlled messaging rather than engaging in the necessary and often challenging discussions in parliament.

If Mr Wong is truly committed to sharing his thoughts with the public, he should spend less time engaging with compliant media and more time making his statements in parliament, where his points can be contested, questioned, and elaborated upon by elected MPs in the form of Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs).

In the United Kingdom, PMQs are held every Wednesday, allowing members of parliament to question the Prime Minister directly about government business. This tradition ensures that the Prime Minister is accountable to both parliament and the public, providing answers in real-time to the representatives of the people.

In contrast to Mr Wong, other leaders in the region who practice the Commonwealth parliamentary system, such as Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, have embraced the practice of answering questions directly during PM Question Time, engaging with elected representatives in a transparent and accountable manner.

Parliament—not a controlled environment where accredited media outlets are given press handouts—should be the primary platform where the Prime Minister shares his thoughts, defends his policies, and answers the tough questions that the public deserves to have answered.

Anything less undermines the very principles of democratic governance that Singaporeans expect and deserve.

The post Lawrence Wong must face MPs in Parliament, not hide behind compliant media appeared first on Gutzy Asia.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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