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Pritam Singh questions prosecution’s public interest threshold in his case vs. Iswaran’s

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SINGAPORE: In a statement issued on Monday (26 August), Leader of the Opposition Pritam Singh outlined his rationale for filing a criminal motion to have his upcoming trial moved to the High Court.

Mr Singh argued that the court’s interpretation of his charges under section 31(q) of the Parliament Act could affect not only the conduct of Members of Parliament but also the fairness of Committee of Privileges (COP) inquiries and the treatment of ordinary citizens summoned by parliamentary committees, emphasizing the broader public interest in his case.

Mr Singh, who is also the Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party (WP), faces charges of lying during a 2021 COP inquiry into former MP Raeesah Khan’s statements.

His trial is scheduled to take place from 14 October to 13 November.

Singh’s legal team, led by lawyers Andre Darius Jumabhoy and Aristotle Emmanuel Eng, argued before Justice Hoo Sheau Peng on Monday that the case merits a High Court review. The decision has been adjourned to 9 September.

In a Facebook post, Mr Singh explained that a case can be transferred from the State Courts to the High Court in two ways.

The first method allows the Public Prosecutor to initiate the transfer on their own accord, as seen in former Transport Minister S. Iswaran’s corruption charges, where the prosecution moved his case from the State Courts to the High Court.

On 8 February 2024, it was reported that the Public Prosecutor had applied for this transfer due to the “strong public interest” in Iswaran’s case, a move that neither Iswaran nor his lawyers opposed.

Should Iswaran be dissatisfied with the outcome of his High Court trial, his appeal would be heard by the next higher court, the Court of Appeal.

Mr Singh highlighted the significance of such a transfer.

“An appeal from a decision made at the State Courts can only be heard by the High Court, and not the highest court of the land – the Court of Appeal – where more than one judge presides over the appeal. ”

During Monday hearing, Mr Singh’s counsel argued that his case touches on the very essence of democracy, a perspective reinforced by Minister Indranee Rajah’s February 2022 speech, which emphasized the importance of parliamentary conduct and accountability.

However, Deputy Attorney-General Ang Cheng Hock, leading a four-member prosecution team, rejected Singh’s request, stating there were “no significant public interest considerations” to warrant a transfer of his case to the High Court.

Ang explained that Iswaran’s case involved potential legal interpretations with broader implications for public servants and was based on section 165 of the Penal Code.

The prosecution asserted that this section applied to all public servants in Singapore, meaning the Court’s interpretation could significantly impact how public servants conduct their affairs and engage in transactions.

The prosecution emphasized that Iswaran’s case was appropriate for the High Court because any appeal against the High Court’s decision would benefit from a “final pronouncement by the Court of Appeal,” which would help clarify the parameters of section 165.

Mr Singh stated that his lawyers made a similar argument in principle, but emphasized that the justification for transferring his case to the High Court was even stronger.

He explained that the charges against him stem from the findings of COP, and that the Court’s interpretation of section 31(q) of the Parliament Act could have far-reaching implications.

These implications extend beyond how MPs conduct themselves in Parliament, potentially influencing broader issues such as the procedures and fairness of COP inquiries.

For example, whether the COP is required to adhere to principles of natural justice and the standard of proof needed before recommending criminal prosecution are significant considerations.

Furthermore, Mr Singh highlighted that Parliament’s powers under section 31(q) are not limited to MPs.

They also have serious consequences for ordinary members of the public, who could be summoned before the COP or any other COPs, underscoring the broader public interest at stake in his case.

“Whist the Prosecution characterised my case as a “high profile one”, they maintained there were “no significant public interest considerations” necessitating a transfer of the case to the High Court, ” Mr Singh added.

Mr Singh observed that his lawyers found the Prosecution’s differing interpretation of what constitutes “public interest” to be contradictory.

They argued that moving the case to the High Court would align with the legal principle that “all persons in like situations will be treated alike.”

Additionally, transferring the case would help ensure consistency and clarity in the prosecution of individuals by the State, especially in cases where public interest is clear and significant, Mr Singh added.

The post Pritam Singh questions prosecution’s public interest threshold in his case vs. Iswaran’s appeared first on Gutzy Asia.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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