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WP Leader Pritam Singh seeks transfer of alleged perjury charges to High Court trial

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SINGAPORE: Leader of the Opposition Pritam Singh has requested that his upcoming trial be moved to the High Court, following the precedent set by the recent transfer of former transport minister S Iswaran’s case.

Mr Singh, who is also the Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party (WP), faces charges of lying during a 2021 parliamentary committee inquiry into former MP Raeesah Khan’s statements.

His trial is scheduled to take place from 14 October to 13 November.

On Monday (26 August), Singh’s legal team, led by lawyers Andre Darius Jumabhoy and Aristotle Emmanuel Eng, argued before Justice Hoo Sheau Peng that the case warrants a High Court review due to its significant public interest, akin to Iswaran’s case.

As reported by state media CNA, the judge has reserved her decision and will announce it on 9 September.

In Iswaran’s corruption charges, a State Court judge agreed to transfer the case to the High Court after both parties consented.

Mr Jumabhoy argued that Singh’s case touches on the very essence of democracy, a perspective he emphasized was not his own but one supported by Minister Indranee Rajah’s February 2022 speech.

Ms Indranee said: “Fundamentally, the motions are about safeguarding the essence of democracy – our democracy – and preserving its most vital and essential characteristic, which is trust. They are about the need to ensure the integrity of our institutions and Parliament in particular, and about the confidence Singaporeans can have in their elected representatives.”

Jumabhoy asserted that the minister’s “eloquent summary” illustrated the case’s significance, making it “almost churlish” to deny a High Court transfer.

“In marked contrast, Iswaran’s case seems almost trivial by comparison,” said the lawyer.

Mr Jumabhoy clarified that the defence was not questioning the capabilities of the State Courts but rather arguing that the High Court is better suited for Singh’s case.

Justice Hoo observed that the application implied the State Courts might be inadequate for this case due to its nature.

In response, Jumabhoy noted that the involvement of prominent figures in Singapore renders this case distinct from typical cases.

Prosecution Challenges Singh’s Request for High Court Transfer

The prosecution opposes Singh’s application, arguing that the case does not merit a High Court hearing.

Deputy Attorney-General Ang Cheng Hock, leading a four-member prosecution team, contends that Singh’s case lacks the exceptional public interest or legal complexity necessary for a High Court review.

Ang pointed out that Iswaran’s case involved potential legal interpretations affecting public servants broadly, which justified its High Court referral.

Iswaran faced multiple charges under Section 165 for obtaining valuables as a public servant, a section with wide application. This made the High Court transfer appropriate due to the potential impact on public servant conduct.

“So the reason why Mr Iswaran’s case was transferred to the High Court was because of the potential impact the interpretation of that section can have on how public servants should conduct themselves when dealing with members of the public.”

In contrast, Ang argued that such considerations do not apply to Singh’s case.

“To put it very simply: He took an affirmation before he gave evidence before the COP (Committee of Privileges). ”

“He was asked questions, he gave answers, and our view, looking at the evidence, is that he had lied while giving his answers to the COP,” said Mr Ang.

He stated that the primary issue for the judge in Singh’s case is whether the prosecution can prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Singh lied.

“It’s a purely factual inquiry. There’s no rule or interpretation of any statute of rule of law that might arise from that as of general application, other than perhaps – you should not lie when you are under affirmation,” said Mr Ang.

Ang further explained that Singh’s application was made under Section 239 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which allows the High Court to order a case transfer for three reasons: if a fair trial cannot be held in the State Courts, if unusual legal questions are likely to arise, or if transferring the case is necessary for justice or required by law.

Mr Ang noted that Singh’s lawyers had requested the prosecution to transfer the case to the High Court, but the prosecution declined.

Instead of seeking a judicial review of this decision, Singh’s legal team chose to file a criminal motion under Section 239.

“There are all manner of attempts to refer to Iswaran’s case as if the matter is the case, the facts are analogous, there’s the same level of public interest, etc. and we say this is really a backdoor attempt to review the public prosecutor’s discretion,” said Mr Ang.

“The fact that Mr Iswaran is a politician, that the applicant is a politician, is completely irrelevant in our consideration as to which court the matter should be heard in,” said Mr Ang.

Mr Ang argued that Singh’s interpretation of “public interest” differs from the prosecution’s understanding.

“When the words public interest are used, the applicant is referring to the general interest that members of the public have in the COP proceedings,” said Mr Ang.

“He refers to the fact that there were many views and hits logged through social media channels that aired portions of the COP, and even gives (the) number of YouTube hits alone.”

“With respect, the fact that the general public may be interested in the COP proceedings or what happens to the applicant is completely irrelevant to the court,” said Mr Ang.

He emphasized that public interest in itself is not sufficient for transferring a case to the High Court, using the City Harvest Church case as an example of a high-profile case that did not necessitate a High Court review.

For Singh’s application to be successful, Ang stressed that Singh must demonstrate that he cannot obtain justice or a fair trial in the State Courts.

WP leader Pritam Singh to face trial over alleged false testimony in October

Mr Singh, 47, faces charges under Section 31(q) of the Parliament (Privileges, Immunities, and Powers) Act.

He was formally accused on 19 March, following a two-year investigation into his testimony during the COP hearings.

These hearings were focused on the conduct of former WP MP Raeesah Khan, who admitted to lying to Parliament on 1 November 2021 about a sexual assault case in August 2021. She resigned later that month.

The parliamentary committee concluded in its findings that Mr Singh was not truthful in his testimony given on 10 and 15 December 2021. Subsequently, a motion was passed in Parliament in February 2022 to refer his case to the state prosecutors.

One allegation against Singh is that he told the committee that he had advised Ms Khan to clarify in Parliament that her statement made on 3 August 2021 was untrue. Additionally, it is alleged that during a meeting on 3 October 2021, he instructed her to admit to her lie if questioned on 4 October 2021.

Singh has entered pleas of not guilty to both charges and has elected for trial.

The offence of lying to a parliamentary committee carries potential penalties of up to three years in prison, a S$7,000 fine, or both.

The post WP Leader Pritam Singh seeks transfer of alleged perjury charges to High Court trial appeared first on Gutzy Asia.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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