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Redditor questions validity of POFMA correction issued to WP NCMP Yee Jenn Jong

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A Reddit post by user u/PristineBarracuda877 has ignited a discussion surrounding the accuracy of the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) Correction Direction issued to former Workers’ Party Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) Yee Jenn Jong.

The Redditor’s post, titled “Yee Jenn Jong POFMA-ed – Does the POFMA Correction Direction Itself Contain Falsehoods, and Other Questions?” critically examines the statements made by the Ministry of National Development (MND) in the correction direction, challenging the government’s version of events.

The post questions the government’s assertion in the official POFMA correction that the termination of the Town Council Management System (TCMS) by Action Information Management Pte Ltd (AIM) did not contribute to the lapses identified at Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC).

Yee Jenn Jong’s Mention of AIM

In the Facebook post that was POFMA-ed, Yee Jenn Jong mentioned AIM, a S$2 paid-up capital company which was helmed by three former People’s Action Party (PAP) members of parliament, which played a controversial role in the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC) saga.

In 2010, AIM took over the TCMS software used by town councils via a single bid tender, including those run by the Workers’ Party, after the 2011 General Election.

Shortly after the Workers’ Party won Aljunied GRC, AIM terminated the TCMS contract with AHTC on short notice.

This move, Yee suggested, compromised the town council’s ability to maintain accurate records and report to the Ministry of National Development (MND), contributing to AHTC’s lapses in reporting and audits. Yee argued that this, combined with a poor handover from the outgoing PAP-run town council, led to intense external audits and the withholding of grants by MND.

And this post ended up being POFMA-ed by Minister Desmond Lee.

Redditor’s Critique of the POFMA Correction

The Redditor refers to a parliamentary speech by then-Workers’ Party leader Low Thia Khiang, who highlighted that the TCMS software used by Hougang SMC was inadequate for the larger AHTC, making the AIM saga detrimental to AHTC’s operations.

The Redditor notes that this claim went unrebutted during the parliamentary debate, and neither did the Auditor-General Office dispute this claim by AHTC in its report, suggesting that MND’s statement might be misleading.

The Redditor argues, “So, on points of fact, MND is wrong in saying that the AIM saga played zero role in AHTCs lapses, as flagged out by the AGO in 2015.”

As for MND’s assertion that there was “no termination with insufficient notice” by AIM, they argue that it is more of a question of points on material fact.

The Redditor highlights that AIM sent a letter to AHTC on 22 June 2011, terminating the contract effective 1 August 2011, despite AHTC’s request to extend the contract until 31 August 2011.

This discrepancy, the Redditor argues, challenges MND’s claim that AIM did not terminate the contract with insufficient notice.

The Redditor pointed out that the letters cited in the MND review report on the AIM saga, particularly the 10 June 2011 letter from AHTC to AIM, did not explicitly request the termination of AIM’s contract.

Instead, AHTC sought an extension of the contract until 31 August 2011 to ensure the smooth transition to its new system.



However, AIM’s response in a letter dated 22 June 2011 indicated their intention to terminate the contract by early August 2011.

The Redditor argues that these letters contradict the government’s narrative, raising questions about MND’s assertion that AIM was open to extending the contract and that there was no termination with insufficient notice.

The Redditor concludes by questioning whether POFMA is being used as a tool to push the government’s narrative rather than as a neutral mechanism to uphold the truth.

They point out the financial and legal challenges individuals face when contesting a POFMA correction, which can result in their content being labelled as false without a fair opportunity to defend it.

Background on POFMA Issuance

The POFMA Correction Direction was issued on 26 August by Minister for National Development, Desmond Lee, in response to Facebook posts made by Yee Jenn Jong on 25 and 27 July 2024.

MND alleged that Mr Yee made “false and misleading statements” regarding the ministry’s actions during the AHTC saga. The correction direction specifically disputes Mr Yee’s claims about the motivations behind MND’s actions, including the decision to withhold grants, engage external auditors, and appoint an Independent Panel to oversee AHTC’s financial governance.

MND defended its actions, stating they were necessary to safeguard public funds due to the serious deficiencies identified in AHTC’s financial practices.

The ministry also refuted Mr Yee’s suggestions that the termination of AIM’s TCMS was a causative factor in AHTC’s lapses.

Mr Yee has since complied with the POFMA order, although the Reddit post by u/PristineBarracuda877 suggests that the government’s correction may itself contain inaccuracies, fueling ongoing debate about the use and implications of POFMA in Singapore.

The post Redditor questions validity of POFMA correction issued to WP NCMP Yee Jenn Jong appeared first on Gutzy Asia.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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