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Desmond Lee issues two POFMA correction directions against The Online Citizen

Two POFMA orders were issued against The Online Citizen (one for Gutzy Asia) for alleged falsehoods about MND’s actions and housing grants. The lack of local media coverage raises concerns about selective reporting and potential chilling effects on both state and independent media in Singapore.

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The Minister for National Development, Desmond Lee, has issued two Correction Directions under the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA) against The Online Citizen (TOC) and Gutzy Asia.

These latest orders, concerning their respective articles and videos related to the Ministry of National Development’s (MND) actions and housing grants, were issued just days after earlier POFMA orders targeted former Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) Yee Jenn Jong and Mr Leong Sze Hian. Notably, there has been an apparent lack of coverage from local state media regarding these recent developments.

Background: Earlier POFMA Orders Against Yee Jenn Jong and Leong Sze Hian

The first of these earlier POFMA orders was issued on 26 August 2024 against Mr Yee Jenn Jong, following his Facebook posts on 25 and 27 July 2024.

In his posts, Mr Yee questioned MND’s actions during the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC) saga, suggesting that the ministry’s decisions to withhold grants, engage external auditors, and appoint an Independent Panel were politically motivated.

Mr Lee responded belatedly, a month after the posts were made, alleging that Mr Yee’s statements were “false and misleading” and that the ministry’s actions were driven by legitimate concerns over the governance of public funds. Mr Yee complied with the POFMA order and included a correction notice on his posts.

Shortly after, on 30 August 2024, another POFMA order from Mr Lee was directed at Mr Leong Sze Hian over a Facebook post he made on 21 August 2024, where he discussed the means-testing of housing grants for resale flats.

While Mr Leong acknowledged the existence of income ceilings in his post, he was accused of making misleading statements by MND, which clarified that the CPF Housing Grant (CPF HG) and the Enhanced CPF Housing Grant (EHG) are subject to income means-testing. Mr Leong was required to add a correction notice to his post, directing readers to the government’s clarification.

Recent POFMA Orders Against TOC and Gutzy Asia

On 30 August 2024, Mr Lee issued new POFMA orders against TOC and Gutzy Asia for their respective articles and videos posted on 21 August 2024. Both platforms were accused of disseminating falsehoods related to the housing grants available to first-time homebuyers of resale flats, particularly in relation to Mr Leong’s comments. TOC was also said to have misreported on Mr Yee’s Facebook post from 25 July.

The platforms have since complied with the orders, adding correction notices to their content, which now link to the government’s clarifications.

However, the timing of these orders, coming just days after the POFMA actions against Yee and Leong, raises questions about the broader impact of such government interventions on public discourse and the rationale for placing POFMA powers in the hands of ministers rather than the courts.

Lack of Local Media Coverage and Potential Embarrassment for the State

Despite the significant nature of these POFMA orders, local state media has not provided apparent coverage of the latest actions against TOC and Gutzy Asia.

This lack of reporting is particularly notable given that the earlier POFMA orders against Yee Jenn Jong and Leong Sze Hian were covered by state media. The absence of coverage on the TOC POFMA suggests a possible embarrassment for the state and the minister, as it follows up with belated POFMA orders after the earlier ones were issued.

This situation raises concerns about the selective nature of reporting by state media and the potential chilling effect on both state and independent media.

The issuance of POFMA orders against reports like those on Yee Jenn Jong, which questioned government actions, could reasonably create a climate of fear among media outlets. Both state-affiliated and independent media might now hesitate to cover statements from opposition figures or government critics, fearing the possibility of a POFMA Correction Direction, regardless of how neutral and objective their reporting might be.

While the government may argue that POFMA correction directions merely require the addition of correction notices to targeted posts, the reality is that entities issued with sufficient POFMA directions can be declared as “declared online locations,” which would then be ordered to cease any form of commercial activities—a potential death sentence for most commercial media entities.

This atmosphere of caution threatens to stifle open debate and restrict the range of perspectives available to the public.

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Labour

Jamus Lim argues why Jobseeker Support Scheme is the PAP’s version of unemployment insurance

In a Facebook post, Workers’ Party MP Jamus Lim rejected PAP’s claim that the JSS isn’t unemployment insurance. He explained WP’s redundancy insurance plan, emphasizing shared responsibility between employers, employees, and the government. While noting concerns about dependency, he argued these fears are exaggerated, stressing a balanced support approach.

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SINGAPORE: Associate Professor Jamus Lim, Workers’ Party Member of Parliament for Sengkang GRC, has offered his take on the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme (JSS), which he describes as the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) equivalent of unemployment insurance.

The JSS, unveiled with more details during Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s National Day Rally speech on 18 August, has sparked comparisons with the Workers’ Party’s own long-standing proposal for redundancy insurance (RI), first introduced in its 2006 manifesto.

In a 12 September Facebook post, Assoc Prof Lim emphasised that the WP had been advocating for a redundancy insurance scheme for almost two decades, providing substantial details on it in their 2016 policy paper.

“We’ve been thinking about the issue for a while now,” Lim stated, adding that the WP’s proposal has been part of global best practices for advanced economies for nearly a century.

Assoc Prof Lim dismissed the PAP’s argument that the JSS is not unemployment insurance.

He pointed out that the differences the PAP cites—such as JSS being tied to job-seeking conditions and funded from general revenue rather than payroll taxes—are inconsequential.

“Tax revenue is fungible, so it all comes from the people anyway,” Assoc Prof Lim explained.

He argued that funding the scheme from general revenue might even make it less equitable, as it could potentially shift the burden onto non-workers to subsidise workers.

The Workers’ Party’s version of redundancy insurance, Assoc Prof Lim highlighted, envisioned a shared responsibility between employers, employees, and the government to ensure fairness and sustainability.

“We do believe in tripartism,” he remarked, underscoring that society should bear the responsibility for protecting its workers.

One of the central points in Assoc Prof Lim’s critique was that tying financial support to job-seeking efforts is standard in unemployment schemes globally, including in Singapore.

Assoc Prof Lim Addresses Concerns of Dependency, Calling Them Overblown

He acknowledged concerns that such a scheme might lead to dependency, but deemed these fears exaggerated.

“Most people, even in the West, do find value and meaning in some form of work,” he noted.

In discussing the design of unemployment insurance systems, Assoc Prof Lim pointed to the importance of balancing the duration of support with the amount provided.

While too long a tenure or too large a payout could discourage a return to the workforce and allow skills to erode, too little would leave workers struggling to cover household expenses during critical periods.

The WP’s redundancy insurance proposal included a payout of 40% of the last drawn income for up to six months, which Lim described as a “solid-but-not-excessively-generous” sum.

Although this amount is lower than what is typically found in advanced economies, and the duration is shorter than the OECD average of one year, he highlighted that it reflects Singapore’s shorter unemployment spells of around two months.

Assoc Prof Lim also suggested the introduction of greater flexibility in accessing redundancy insurance funds.

By allowing the unemployed to “front-load” their payouts, households would have more breathing room to adjust their expenses during difficult transitions.

With the JSS set to be debated in Parliament, Assoc Prof Lim reaffirmed the Workers’ Party’s commitment to advocating for expanded safety nets for Singapore’s workers.

“Whether you call it JSS or RI or something else, expanding the safety net for our workers is something that the Workers’ Party will always be fighting for,” he concluded.

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Politics

11 former or current PAP MPs & Ministers underscore heavy presence in NTUC leadership

Observing NTUC’s website reveals a significant presence of PAP MPs and Ministers, raising questions about the extent of PAP’s influence over NTUC’s advocacy for workers’ interests. At least 11 NTUC leaders are former or current PAP Ministers or MPs. In a 2021 Facebook post, NTUC Sec-Gen Ng Chee Meng openly praised NTUC’s close ties with the PAP, stating, “The PAP is at the heart of NTUC.”

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During Parliamentary debate on Platform Worker Bill on 9 September, Mr Gerald Giam, Workers’ Party Member of Parliament for Aljunied GRC, raised concern over symbiotic relationship between National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) with the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

Mr Giam pointed out that many PAP MPs and branch chairpersons serve as advisors to NTUC-affiliated unions.

In 2017, NTUC announced that, where possible, all PAP MPs—including Cabinet Ministers—would be appointed as advisors to unions, professional associations, and guilds under its umbrella.

By 2017, 71 PAP MPs were serving as union advisors. Mr Giam emphasised that many of these advisors are not merely offering guidance, but are actively involved in the governance of the unions.

He noted that this close connection could undermine the independence of unions, resulting in muted advocacy and a lack of dynamism in labour policymaking.

Mr Giam advocated for an independent, non-partisan NTUC, argued that untethering NTUC from the PAP would make unions stronger and more independent in advocating for workers’ rights without being subordinated to the government.

However,his proposal faced strong criticism from PAP Ministers and MPs.

PAP MP Christopher de Souza accused Mr Giam of politicking, while Senior Minister of State for Defence Heng Chee How defended NTUC’s relationship with the PAP, arguing that it benefits workers by effectively addressing their needs and prioritizing their interests.

Meanwhile, during his round up speech for the Bill on 10 Sept, Senior Minister of State for Manpower Koh Poh Koon further accused that WP, by advocating for the independence of unions from political parties, would destroy the productive relationship that underpins tripartism.

“The Tripartism that we have in Singapore today which many other countries want to emulate, only exists because of the close relationship and the mutual respect between the PAP and the NTUC. You dismantle this and everything falls apart.”

Desmond Tan, Senior Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), also weighed in on the debate, rejecting the idea that symbiotic relationship prevents unions from speaking up, citing examples of NTUC pushing for policies, such as the Job Support Scheme, even when the government initially resisted.

In response, Mr Giam emphasised that WP seeks a middle ground, where unions maintain independence but still collaborate with the government and employers.

“I think the SMS is having difficulty seeing anything between the full dichotomy of full symbiosis and full confrontation with unions. ”

“We are calling for a third way, which is independent unions with tripartite dialogue to work towards achieving win-win outcomes for both workers and employers.”

Leong Mun Wai questions why NTUC leaders often come from the ruling party

The heated debate also prompted Mr Leong Mun Wai, Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) from the Progress Singapore Party, voiced support for WP’s call.

Mr Leong while acknowledged that tripartism is a fundamental aspect of governance that all parties, including opposition ones, seek to foster, he questioned the level of NTUC’s independence from the government.

He pointed out that the NTUC’s secretary-general is often a minister or former minister and that many NTUC leaders come from the ruling party.

“Can you find another trade union in the world where the trade union chief is a minister? Are there any countries? Please let me know if there are,” Mr Leong asked, further noting that few opposition politicians are given appointments in NTUC.

“I think we are entitled to think that the independence of NTUC ought to be better than this.”

PAP Influence on NTUC’s Leadership

Indeed, observing NTUC’s official website and noting the significant presence of PAP MPs and Ministers in the trade union, it is hard for readers not to echo NCMP Leong’s sentiments, questioning the extent of PAP’s influence over NTUC’s advocacy for workers’ interests.

A simple headcount reveals that at least 11 NTUC leaders are either former or current Ministers or MPs from the ruling PAP.

Notably, both SMS Heng Chee How and SMS Desmond Tan are currently serving as Deputy Secretaries-General in NTUC, while SMS Dr Koh Poh Koon held the same role from 2018 until May 2021.

Current Secretary-General Mr Ng Chee Meng, who assumed the position in 2018, previously served as Minister in the PMO.

Despite losing to the WP team in GE2020, he continues to hold his position at NTUC.

Mr Ng succeeded Chan Chun Sing in 2018, who led NTUC from 2015 to 2018.

Mr Chan, currently the Minister for Education and Minister-in-charge of Public Service, joined NTUC as Deputy Secretary-General in January 2015.

By May that year, he was promoted to Secretary-General, succeeding outgoing labour chief Lim Swee Say.

During his tenure, Mr Chan concurrently held a Cabinet position as Minister in PMO from April 2015 to April 2018, while also serving as a PAP MP for Tanjong Pagar GRC.

Mr Lim Swee Say became NTUC Secretary-General in January 2007, succeeding Mr Lim Boon Heng, who led NTUC for 13 years.

Mr Lim also served as Minister in PMO and MP for Holland-Bukit Timah GRC from 2006 to 2011.

He was later elected as MP for East Coast GRC in May 2011, serving until 2020.

Meanwhile, Mr Lim Boon Heng served as NTUC chief from 1993 to December 2006, while simultaneously serving as MP and being appointed Minister without Portfolio.

Mr Lim currently serving as NTUC Enterprise (NE) chairman.

Other PAP Ministers and MPs currently serving in the NTUC Central Committee include:

Mr Patrick Tay, who serves as Assistant Secretary-General in NTUC and is also a PAP MP for Pioneer SMC.

Joining Mr Tay are Mr Desmond Choo, Ms Yeo Wan Ling, and Mr Melvin Yong, who are PAP MPs for Tampines GRC, Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC, and Radin Mas SMC respectively.

They also hold roles as Assistant Secretaries-General in NTUC.

Mr Mohd Fahmi Aliman, a Marine Parade GRC MP, is serving as director in NTUC.

Additionally, at least four former PAP MPs currently hold posts within NTUC, including Mr Ng Chee Meng.

The other three are Mr Ang Hin Kee, former MP for Ang Mo Kio GRC; Mr Zainal Sapari, former MP for Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC; and Mr Yeo Guat Kwang, former MP for Ang Mo Kio GRC.

Mr Ang and Mr Zainal currently serve as NTUC Assistant Directors-General, while Mr Yeo is an advisor.

Ng Chee Meng proudly highlighted NTUC’s strong bond with PAP

The relationship between NTUC and the PAP dates back to NTUC’s founding in 1961 by pro-PAP unionists.

NTUC has 1.3 million members and unites 58 trade unions, seven trade associations, seven social enterprises and other partners under its umbrella.

Notably, even incumbent NTUC Sec-Gen Mr Ng did not shy away from explicitly boasting about NTUC’s close ties with the PAP.

For instance, in a 2021 Facebook post, Mr Ng shared a photo of himself in a NTUC T-shirt with a PAP badge prominently pinned in the middle of the NTUC logo.

He remarked, “The PAP is at the heart of NTUC, and the NTUC is at the heart of what the PAP does.”

He emphasised that NTUC has been a symbiotic partner of the PAP, working together to improve the lives of workers, with both organizations sharing the same core objectives.

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