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Where is the iron in Lawrence Wong? Hiding from direct response to Lee Hsien Yang?

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s decision to stay silent and allow an unnamed spokesperson to address Lee Hsien Yang’s call to demolish 38 Oxley Road raises questions about his leadership style. This approach contrasts with late Lee Kuan Yew’s directness, sparking debate on handling legacy issues.

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Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s choice to remain silent on the call to demolish 38 Oxley Road, responding only through an unnamed government spokesperson, has raised questions about his leadership approach.

Rather than addressing LHY’s appeal personally, Wong’s response was issued through an unnamed government spokesperson on Friday, prompting questions over whether this approach contrasts with the decisiveness expected of Singapore’s leadership.

On 25 October, LHY publicly appealed to Wong to honour Lee Kuan Yew’s will, which called for the house’s immediate demolition once Dr Lee Wei Ling no longer resided there.

With her recent passing, LHY argued that this condition had been met and called on Wong to demonstrate leadership by fulfilling his father’s wishes. “This is your responsibility,” he stated, urging Wong to “Please lead” on the matter.

However, Wong has not addressed LHY’s appeal directly, opting instead for a statement from an unnamed Ministry of Digital Development and Information spokesperson.

The spokesperson countered LHY’s claims, calling them “inaccurate” and accusing him of “creating a false urgency.”

According to the spokesperson, Lee Kuan Yew’s will did indeed favour demolition, but the late leader acknowledged the possibility of preserving the property should future generations choose to do so.

The spokesperson added that the government is committed to “keeping options open” to allow for broader public consideration, underscoring a cautious and flexible approach to handling the legacy of 38 Oxley Road.

The government also shared images of Lee Kuan Yew’s email to the Cabinet from December 2011, in which he acknowledged that Cabinet members unanimously felt that the house should not be demolished, despite his intention to do so.

“I have reflected on this and decided that if 38 Oxley Road is to be preserved, it needs to have its foundations reinforced and the whole building refurbished,” he wrote. “It must then be let out for people to live in. An empty building will soon decline and decay.”

Many netizens online have interpreted this statement from Lee Kuan Yew as a reluctant acceptance, given the opposition from Cabinet members. Lee Hsien Loong, who was the Prime Minister at the time, has stated that he recused himself from the decision.

One netizen commented, “In normal English: We bullied an old man into accepting the one thing he didn’t want to be his legacy, and now we are going to be performatively mad at everyone who isn’t happy about it.”

Wong’s decision to remain silent has raised questions about whether his response aligns with the firm, confrontational style famously modelled by Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew.

Known for his uncompromising, direct approach to governance, Lee Kuan Yew once declared in a rally speech, “Whoever governs Singapore must have that iron in him. Or give it up. This is not a game of cards. This is your life and mine. I’ve spent a whole lifetime building this, and as long as I’m in charge, nobody is going to knock it down.”

This statement, resonating with generations of Singaporeans, captured Lee Kuan Yew’s boldness and clear-cut resolve in the face of contentious issues.

Lee Kuan Yew’s son, former Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong (LHL), attempted to emulate his father’s iconic message in his 2015 rally speech, although many found that his tone fell short of his father’s well-known impact.

In fact, LHL had previously deferred the decision to a future government in 2015, when he addressed the matter of his family house in Parliament.

He said, “Mr Lee’s position on 38 Oxley Road was unwavering over the years, and fully consistent with his lifelong values. We should respect his wishes, as well as those of Mrs Lee.”

“Dr Lee Wei Ling has informed me that she intends to continue living in the house at 38 Oxley Road. Therefore, there is no immediate issue of demolition of the house, and no need for the Government to make any decision now. If and when Dr Lee Wei Ling no longer lives in the house, Mr Lee has stated his wishes as to what then should be done. At that point, speaking as a son, I would like to see these wishes carried out. However, it will be up to the Government of the day to consider the matter.”

He reaffirmed this in his 2017 ministerial statement.

Now that Wong has taken the baton from LHL as Prime Minister, surely his administration is the Government of the day to decide.

To some, Wong’s silence may suggest an unwillingness to engage directly on a complex, potentially polarising matter, particularly since the governing party’s preference is likely to run counter to majority views that favour respecting Lee Kuan Yew’s last wishes.

LHY’s public call adds to a legacy debate stretching back to a ministerial committee report in 2018, led by Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean, which proposed three main options: preserving the house as it stands, conserving only historically significant areas, or demolishing the structure entirely. Wong, a member of that committee, is no stranger to the complex discussions surrounding the property.

The government’s spokesperson also referenced judicial findings from 2020, which suggested that LHY and his wife, Mrs Lee Suet Fern, had misrepresented the circumstances surrounding the drafting of Lee Kuan Yew’s will.

This context, the spokesperson argued, sheds light on LHY’s motives, suggesting his calls should be considered cautiously.

However, the government under Wong seems to overlook the fact that correspondence between Lee Kuan Yew and his lawyer, Kwa Kim Li, shows Lee Kuan Yew made these statements believing his house was going to be, or had already been, gazetted. In his last will, he tried to enforce his wishes, stating that his strongest desire was for the family house to be demolished.

As Singaporeans reflect on the balance between Lee Kuan Yew’s legacy and modern leadership expectations, Wong’s indirect handling of LHY’s appeal raises larger questions about how Singapore’s leaders approach the nation’s foundational symbols.

Wong’s response, or lack thereof, speaks to the evolving nature of leadership in Singapore—a divergence from the founding father’s direct style that may signal a more measured, cautious approach.

Yet, in the face of LHY’s direct challenge, the public is left to ponder: Where is the iron in Lawrence Wong?

Opinion

Evidence contradicts government claims of manipulation in Lee Kuan Yew’s Last Will

The Singapore government has repeatedly claimed that Mr Lee Kuan Yew’s Last Will was executed under misleading circumstances, alleging that he was misled regarding his final wishes. Evidence in correspondence between LKY and his lawyer, however, challenges these assertions and suggests alignment with LKY’s intentions.

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The Singapore government has repeatedly stated that Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew (LKY), executed his Last Will, dated 17 December 2013, under misleading circumstances, alleging that LKY was misled regarding the execution of his final wishes, accepted that the property need not be demolished, and provided his views on how the property should be preserved.

An unnamed government spokesperson informed the media on Friday evening (25 Oct) that LKY’s son, Mr Lee Hsien Yang (LHY), and his wife, Mrs Lee Suet Fern (LSF), were found to have lied under oath.

The spokesperson added that the Disciplinary Tribunal and the Court of Three Judges described their conduct as presenting “an elaborate edifice of lies… both on oath… and through their public and other statements.”

“The affidavits were contrived to present a false picture. Several of the lies were quite blatant,” the government spokesperson stated, adding that “Mr Lee Hsien Yang’s continued allegations must be seen in this light.”

According to a document shared by Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean in Parliament, the government asserts that LHY and LSF attempted to perpetuate the falsehood that Ms Kwa Kim Li (KKL), LKY’s lawyer, was involved in preparing LKY’s Last Will, while concealing their own role in persuading LKY to sign it.

However, the government seems insistent on overlooking certain facts regarding KKL’s involvement in LKY’s Last Will.

Following the conclusion of LSF’s Disciplinary Tribunal and the verdict by the Court of Three Judges, another Disciplinary Tribunal concluded in May 2023 that KKL falsely claimed she had received no instructions from LKY to make changes to his Will and misled the estate by denying her involvement in drafting the Last Will or in reflecting LKY’s final wishes as conveyed to her.

Email correspondence between LKY and KKL in November and December 2013, as well as the contents of the Last Will signed on 17 December 2013, indicate that the provisions of the Will largely correspond to their discussions.

Aside from the re-inclusion of the demolition clause for the Oxley Road property, the details in the Will reflect topics and terms previously discussed between LKY and KKL.

These emails also show that KKL had contacted LKY regarding matters related to the Oxley Road property, consistent with his stated intentions.

Furthermore, communications involving both LSF and LHY with LKY suggest that LKY was fully aware of the Will’s content, expressing a desire to finalise it without delay.

This alignment between the correspondence and the final provisions in the Will challenges the government’s assertion that LKY was misled, as it suggests that his instructions were clear and consistent with the document he signed on each and every page.

Additionally, KKL kept a copy of the Last Will and could have advised LKY to make revisions if he had been misled about his intentions, given that LKY had revised his Will multiple times in the past. Yet no changes were made to this version before his passing in 2015, and probate was granted to the Will in October 2015 without contest.

Given these details, the government’s repeated insistence that LHY and LSF misled LKY about his Last Will could be perceived as character assassination and a deliberate manipulation of facts.

It should also be noted that everything said and done by LKY was based on his belief that the Oxley house had, in some form, been gazetted by the Singapore government, despite his preference for it to be demolished.

This is reflected in his emails with KKL, where she references his thoughts about the house potentially being “de-gazetted.”

To suggest that LKY changed his mind about the 38 Oxley property or was open to other options only serves to muddle the truth with misleading statements.

Unfortunately, POFMA (Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act) cannot be applied to scrutinise these statements made by the government.

(Emails and Will were obtained from LSF’s Disciplinary Tribunal records.)

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Why was no POFMA action taken against Straits Times for wrongly linking Clementi murder suspect to grassroots?

The Straits Times wrongly linked a Clementi murder suspect to grassroots activities, a claim refuted by the People’s Association. Despite the error, no POFMA correction was issued, raising concerns about potential double standards in its application, especially compared to cases involving alternative media.

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In the aftermath of a tragic murder at Clementi on 21 October 2024, speculation and false information circulated regarding the identity of the suspect.

The Straits Times inaccurately reported that both the murder suspect and the victim were linked to the grassroots activities of the Trivelis Residents’ Network.

However, this claim was promptly refuted by the People’s Association (PA), which clarified that the suspect was not a grassroots volunteer.

The PA, which falls under the purview of the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth (MCCY), swiftly issued a statement on 22 October confirming that while the victim had been a grassroots volunteer, the suspect had no affiliation with any PA grassroots organisation.

Despite this clear misreporting, no POFMA (Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act) correction was issued against The Straits Times.

This situation has raised questions about the consistency of POFMA’s application, particularly in light of its use in previous cases involving misinformation by alternative media outlets.

For instance, in October 2023, the Minister for Manpower directed the POFMA Office to issue correction orders to multiple platforms—including Singapore Eye, Gutzy Asia, and The Online Citizen Asia—for spreading unverified claims regarding the nationality of a suicide victim. Both Gutzy Asia and The Online Citizen Asia had relied on a report from Singapore Eye, which had wrongly identified the deceased as a Filipino domestic worker.

In this case, a case of misidentification of a domestic worker led to the immediate use of POFMA by Dr Tan See Leng to correct the error.

In another instance involving Channel News Asia (CNA), the Housing Development Board (HDB) simply alerted the outlet to a factual error, which CNA corrected with an editorial note, without any POFMA direction being issued by Minister for National Development Desmond Lee, who had previously issued four sets of correction directions to individuals and The Online Citizen without any prior alerts.

In the case of The Straits Times’ erroneous report, it is worth noting that a POFMA direction would have been issued to alternative media or individuals making such claims—rather than the People’s Association (PA) issuing a clarification—if it involved a misrepresentation suggesting the suspect was affiliated with grassroots organisations.

The swift action taken against these smaller, alternative media platforms and individuals contrasts with the lack of any POFMA direction against The Straits Times and CNA in similar situations. This raises the question of whether POFMA is being applied exclusively to alternative media, while mainstream outlets receive different treatment.

If the law is to effectively counter misinformation, it must be applied consistently across all media outlets, whether mainstream or alternative, to ensure fairness and maintain public trust.

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