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Archbishop’s speech at memorial mass of Fr Arot was most inappropriate, as it is used to assure govt its obedience to the state

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by Teo Soh Lung

“Noting that the trauma resulting from the so-called “Marxist conspiracy” will “resurface from time to time”, he (Archbishop William Goh) stressed that there is “no other way forward” for the Church except “the way of forgiveness”. [Catholic News, 4 October 2015].

The Archbishop was speaking at the memorial mass for MEP priest, Fr Guillaume Arotcarena who passed away three years ago, on 3 September 2015. He was absolutely right.

The page of the Catholic News on what the archbishop said happened to fall out of a book I was holding this morning. Maybe Fr Arotcarena wanted me to say something on his third anniversary.

Fr Arot, as he was fondly called by the volunteers of the Geylang Catholic Centre passed away in France. He left behind an important legacy, a little book called “The Priest in Geylang, The Untold Story of the Geylang Catholic Centre”. This title is rather misleading for it is not a sleezy fiction that one expects to read. Instead, it is Fr Arot’s observation of Singapore and his recollection of his 17 years of work for the Catholic Church here after a stint in Taiwan to learn Mandarin. His knowledge of Chinese and his ability to pick up Singlish coupled with his quick wit and humour earned him much respect from the people he worked with – the migrant workers, prisoners and former prisoners.

In his book, Fr Arot narrated how he became acquainted with his neighbours, a group of Malaysian garment factory workers at the Geylang Catholic Centre which he founded. He wrote:

“Soon, I met 20 young Chinese female workers from Malaysia, who lived on the floor just above, where the firm which employed them had set up a dormitory. I quickly discovered that there were many similar dormitories in Geylang, used as lodging for migrant workers, mainly from Malaysia. My first encounter with my neighbours from the upper floor was rather funny. One evening, coming home, I met some of them at the common staircase of the building. As a joke directed to her co-workers, one of them shouted loudly in Mandarin: “Xiao xin, King Kong lai le!” (Be careful, here comes King Kong!) Her friends burst out laughing and so did I. I asked them in my best Mandarin, why they did not seem frightened at all. I must say that I created a little surprise. They did not expect me to understand Chinese. I took the opportunity to invite them to drop by and have a cup of tea at my place, whenever they were free.”

That was how the Geylang Catholic Centre for migrant workers, ex-offenders, battered women, homeless etc began.

FR GUILLAUME AROTCARENA
(18 May 1944 – 3 September 2015)

Fr Arot spoke Singlish with a French accent. He enjoyed local cuisine at the hawkers’ centre. Barbequed stingrays with belachan sauce and all those hot and spicy food. He enjoyed cooking his meals too. One day I watched him prepare beef steak with lots of garlic for his lunch. He told me that anything with lots of garlic cannot go wrong!

Despite his easy going attitude and seemingly untroubled nature, Fr Arot was a very serious and religious person. He cared deeply for the poor and the marginalised. I recall that one of the earliest cases he referred to me was a claim for wrongful termination of employment. My clients refused to undergo “voluntary sterilization” after the birth of two daughters. She was summarily dismissed by the multi-national company she worked for because she had refused to comply with the government policy that required work permit holders and their spouses to undergo compulsory sterilization after the birth of two children.

I was told that several priests, including Fr Arot, had taken a stand against this policy as it was against the Catholic faith, but to no avail. Catholic schools implemented the policy of giving priority of registration to children of parents who could produce their sterilization certificates.

Returning to the Archbishop’s speech delivered at the memorial mass for Fr Arot, I want to comment on the following. The archbishop said:

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“ We can imagine the pain, the disappointment and even anger, especially against authorities, whether of the state and even of the Church, for apparently not standing up for them. …

“He noted that the immediate reaction of anyone who is misjudged is to seek justice, “to uncover the facts” and “to be vindicated.”

“However, “there are many sides to the same story,” he said. “People have different accounts of the same event. Different people have different explanations.”

“And even if the facts can be established, “can you establish the motives of everyone who is involved?” he asked. “IN TRUTH, THE MOTIVES OF THOSE PEOPLE WHO SERVE, THE MOTIVES OF THE AUTHORITIES WHO REACTED TO THE SITUATION PERHAPS WILL NEVER BE TRULY KNOWN.” (Emphasis mine).

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Not being a Catholic and having left the Geylang Catholic Centre for some time before the 1987 arrests, I did not expect any support from the Church. The problem however lies with the Church’s initial support for the 16 people who were arrested and her sudden withdrawal of such support.

In May 1987, a mass held for the 16 detainees at the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual Succour was attended by 2500 people. The crowd may not be as large as the mass held at St Joseph’s Church that prayed for the departure of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew. It was reported in The Straits Times that that mass attracted 5000 Catholics, a number that is difficult to believe as St Joseph’s Church is not so large as to accommodate that number of people.

The Church’s support for the 16 detainees suddenly disappeared soon after the then Archbishop, Gregory Yong was summoned to the Istana to meet the prime minister on 2 June 1987. What took place at the meeting must be in the records of the Church and the Vatican. We can however read about the meeting in the publication “1987 Singapore’s Marxist Conspiracy 30 Years On” published by Function 8.

I can only surmise that Archbishop Yong was persuaded or pressured to disbelieve the innocence of his church workers at the Istana. My grouse with the Church is that she did not attempt to seek the truth. The archbishop did not summon the families of his church volunteers or listen to his priests, especially the four who were implicated by the prime minister, including Fr Arot. In his book, Fr Arot recalled:

“…It was a Friday and I felt completely powerless. The next day I had the shock of my life when I woke up. There were five columns on the front page of The Straits Times reporting that the four priests whose organisations were connected with the arrests had been officially “suspended” by the Archbishop who forbade them to speak in or outside the church and to have contact with each other or with members of the organisation they had been in charge of. Our faces were splashed on the front page. If a new world war had been declared the night before, the headlines would not have been more prominent. No one in the Archbishop’s office had thought it fit that they should inform me of what had been decided, apparently the night before, and the reasons for it. I was shattered and above all, I felt betrayed and let down, stranded alone in the middle of nowhere. At about 9 a.m. the Vicar-General who was the main counsellor of the Archbishop, called me on the phone to find out if I had read the newspapers. He said he had not been able to get in touch with me the day before to explain things to me. Anyway, he said, it was for my own good. With some men, it is at times difficult to figure out what comes first: hypocrisy or stupidity. The combination of the two is definitely unbearable.”

The four priests were not even given a chance to explain their work. They were summarily relieved of their duties without notice and apparently threatened with arrest if they failed to do so. So in order to save the Church, some sacrifices had to be made.

What did Archbishop William Goh mean when he proclaimed that “there are many sides to the same story?”

I do not think the Church had bothered to even investigate the allegations against the volunteers or the four priests. He simply believed in the allegations of the government.

I also find these words offensive. The archbishop said, “In truth, the motives of those people who serve, the motives of the authorities who reacted to the situation perhaps will never be truly known.”

I take it that he doubts the good intentions of the volunteers. There is nothing wrong with having doubts but for the church to continue to doubt the motives of those volunteers without making any attempt to investigate the truth after nearly 30 years is disappointing.

Another statement which I wish to comment on is this:

“…the Church’s social mission is principally a spiritually one. The social mission of the Church is an expression of the proclamation of the Gospel… The Church must never ever be reduced to a humanitarian organisation. We are not another NGO.”

The archbishop should have restricted his comment to the Catholic Church of Singapore. He is very different from Pope Francis. Pope Francis had spoken against the death penalty, the plight of refugees and injustice everywhere. I do not for one second, think that by his words and action, he has reduced the Catholic Church to an NGO.

The Singapore church can continue her spiritual journey and keep a blind eye to the sufferings of the impoverished, the migrant workers and the poor. Forget about the Eight Beatitudes. Just pray and human sufferings will disappear.

The survivors of 1987 do not rely on the Catholic Church to vindicate their names. That was why they issued a joint statement in 1988, denying the government’s account for the arrests. In recent years, former detainees have participated in the making of a documentary by filmmaker Jason Soo and published several books and articles to clear their names.

To me, the archbishop’s speech at the memorial mass of Fr Arot was most inappropriate. He had used the solemn occasion to assure the government that the Church will forever be obedient to the state and undermine the former detainees. He had no good words for Fr Arot and it would have been better if he did not say anything at the mass.

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Editorial

Lim Boon Heng’s misleading claims & omission in July ST interview on Income-Allianz deal

In a July 2024 interview, Lim Boon Heng praised the proposed Allianz acquisition of Income Insurance, but subsequent revelations from Minister Edwin Tong raised concerns about misleading claims and non-disclosure, particularly regarding the planned capital reduction and its impact on Income’s social mission.

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In a July 2024 interview with The Straits Times, Lim Boon Heng, chairman of NTUC Enterprise, framed the proposed acquisition of Income Insurance by German insurer Allianz as a positive development.

The former People’s Action Party minister, who is also the chairman of Temasek Holdings, emphasised the deal’s potential to strengthen Income’s competitiveness and enable it to fulfil its social mission more effectively.

However, Culture, Community, and Youth Minister Edwin Tong’s 14 October 2024 ministerial speech uncovered inconsistencies in Mr Lim’s statements, particularly regarding the planned capital extraction, casting doubt on the broader implications of the transaction.

While Mr Lim’s remarks focused on the benefits of Allianz’s majority stake, Mr Tong’s detailed disclosure in Parliament revealed significant concerns over the deal’s financial and social impacts, leading to the government’s intervention to block the transaction in its current form.

Misrepresentation of Income’s Social Mission

In the July interview, Mr Lim assured the public that Income’s social mission, which has historically supported low-income and vulnerable communities, would remain intact even after Allianz’s acquisition.

Lim noted that commercial companies worldwide had adopted similar values, suggesting that Allianz would likely uphold Income’s mission of “doing well to do good.”

He also reassured Singaporeans that the partnership would not compromise Income’s involvement in national insurance programmes.

However, Mr Tong’s ministerial statement revealed that the deal involved a significant capital reduction of S$1.85 billion within three years of the acquisition.

This planned extraction, which had not been disclosed publicly by Mr Lim or NTUC Enterprise, cast serious doubt on Income’s ability to continue fulfilling its social responsibilities.

During its corporatisation in 2022, Income had emphasised that the shift from a cooperative to a corporate entity was necessary to build a stronger capital base and ensure long-term sustainability.

Furthermore, NTUC Income, Singapore’s only insurance cooperative, was corporatised in 2022 into Income Insurance Limited “to achieve operational flexibility and gain access to strategic growth options to compete on an equal footing with other insurers locally and regionally.”

Shareholders were assured at the 2022 annual general meeting that NTUC Enterprise would remain the majority shareholder of the new company post-corporatisation, a promise that was not honoured in the proposed deal.

The proposed capital reduction directly contradicted these earlier justifications, raising concerns about the deal’s real motivations.

Lack of Transparency on Capital Optimisation Plans

In Mr Lim’s interview, there was no mention of Allianz’s post-transaction capital optimisation plans, which Mr Tong later disclosed.

These plans included freeing up capital for shareholder returns, which fundamentally altered the nature of the deal.

Workers’ Party MP for Sengkang GRC, He Ting Ru, questioned why NTUC Enterprise decided to proceed with the sale despite knowing about the capital extraction. She highlighted the difficulty of reconciling the withdrawal of capital with the goal of strengthening Income’s financial base, especially given its social mission.

Mr Tong responded by stating that the capital withdrawal needed to be seen within a broader context. He explained that even with the capital reduction, NTUC Income would still meet regulatory capital adequacy requirements.

Nevertheless, Mr Tong emphasised in his speech that the government’s decision to block the deal was not based solely on financial factors but also on concerns about governance and the lack of structural protections to ensure that Income could continue to pursue its social mission under Allianz’s majority ownership.

Second Minister for Finance Chee Hong Tat also clarified that the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) had not approved the proposed capital reduction plan, leaving key questions about the deal unresolved.

Contradictions on Income’s Financial Needs

Mr Lim’s portrayal of the Allianz-Income deal as essential for shoring up Income’s finances was contradicted by Mr Tong’s revelations.

He had pointed to Income’s struggles with its capital adequacy ratio (CAR) during past economic downturns as justification for seeking a majority shareholder.

However, Mr Tong noted that the planned capital extraction undermined Income’s long-term financial sustainability.

The lack of transparency over the capital reduction drew sharp criticism from Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) Leong Mun Wai of the Progress Singapore Party (PSP).

During the 14 October parliamentary session, Leong expressed shock over the revelation of the planned capital extraction, which had not been disclosed to the public during discussions about the deal.

He argued that this critical financial condition should have been made public from the outset.

“This information should be available to all Singaporeans,” Leong said. “For the last few months, we were under the impression that the information provided was complete. Now, we learn about capital extraction, which is a very important condition of any financial deal.”

Leong expressed his dissatisfaction with how the deal had been communicated to the public, stating, “I’m surprised, I’m shocked, and I’m very unhappy today that this important condition was not disclosed to Singaporeans when we were all discussing this deal.”

He pressed the government for accountability, asking, “Who is responsible for not disclosing this information? Can the government give a commitment that it will pursue responsibility in this matter?”

Despite the various misleading or non-disclosed elements in NTUC Enterprise’s and Income Insurance’s communications, Mr Tong is of the view that no one deliberately misled the public.

PSP NCMP had questioned whether action would be taken against those responsible for misleading the public and government. In her speech, Poa highlighted that the deal contradicted earlier representations made during Income’s corporatisation and called for greater transparency.

Mr Tong, however, rejected the suggestion of deliberate misinformation but acknowledged that the government had concerns about whether Income could continue to serve its social mission after the capital reduction.

Was Lim Boon Heng Misleading?

While Mr Lim’s statements in the July interview painted a positive picture of the Allianz-Income deal, subsequent revelations by Mr Tong and MPs He Ting Ru, Hazel Poa, and Leong Mun Wai have raised significant concerns about the financial and social impacts of the transaction.

The planned capital extraction and lack of transparency over key financial conditions suggest that important details were withheld from the public.

This leaves an important question: Did Lim Boon Heng’s statements mislead the public, or was it a matter of differing interpretations of the deal’s long-term impact?

As more details emerge, the public will have to decide whether NTUC Enterprise’s leadership was fully transparent or whether key aspects of the deal were deliberately downplayed. What do you think?

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Opinion

Lee Wei Ling and Lee Hsien Yang’s fight to fulfil LKY’s final wish

Why were Dr Lee Wei Ling and Lee Hsien Yang so adamant about demolishing the Oxley Road home, despite personal sacrifices? It likely became a moral duty to honour what they saw as their father’s core values. After Lee Kuan Yew’s wish for a quick death wasn’t fulfilled in 2015, they may have felt a stronger responsibility to ensure his second wish was respected.

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Dr Lee Wei Ling, who passed away on 9 October 2024, was a steadfast advocate for her father, Lee Kuan Yew’s (LKY)—Singapore’s founding Prime Minister—wish to demolish their family home at 38 Oxley Road.

Her funeral on 12 October 2024 was not just a moment of farewell but a poignant reminder of her lifelong commitment to honouring her parents’ final wishes, particularly the demolition of the Oxley Road house.

Even at her passing, Dr Lee never wavered in her dedication to fulfilling her father’s last wish—a cause she championed until her final days, despite battling progressive supranuclear palsy.

In his eulogy for his beloved sister, Lee Hsien Yang (LHY) conveyed a message from Dr Lee, in which she reaffirmed their parents’ wish for their home at 38 Oxley Road to be demolished after their deaths:

“My father, LEE KUAN YEW, and my mother, KWA GEOK CHOO, had an unwavering and deeply felt wish for their house at 38 Oxley Road, Singapore 238629, to be demolished upon the last parent’s death. LEE KUAN YEW directed each of his three children to ensure that their parents’ wish for demolition be fulfilled. He also appealed directly to the people of Singapore: Please honour my father by honouring his wish for his home to be demolished.”

The house, which had become a focal point of public and familial dispute, remained central to her legacy.

But why were Dr Lee and LHY so adamant about fulfilling their father’s wish, despite the personal sacrifices they faced?

Some netizens speculated that LHY, who acquired the property from their brother, Lee Hsien Loong (LHL), then-Prime Minister in 2015, might intend to sell it for financial gain—an allegation put forth by LHL in his statutory declaration.

However, given the persecution Dr Lee, LHY, and his family have endured—ranging from surveillance to political attacks—it is clear that financial benefit would hardly justify the immense personal and legal challenges they have faced over the years.

Their determination, therefore, seems rooted not in monetary interests but in a deep sense of duty to their father, LKY, and his values.

It could be argued that the siblings saw the demolition of the house as more than a matter of inheritance—it was a moral imperative, driven by filial piety and a desire to protect their father’s legacy from being politicised.

In their public statement on 14 June 2017, accusing LHL of abusing his power as Prime Minister, they articulated their commitment: “We have nothing to gain from the demolition of 38 Oxley Road, other than the knowledge that we have honoured our father’s last wish.”

Their determination to demolish the Oxley Road home may also have been rooted in a sense of guilt over failing to honour another of their father’s critical wishes: his desire for a quick death without being placed on life support.

Placed on Life Support for Weeks Despite Advance Medical Directive

LKY, known for his pragmatism, was clear that he did not wish to be kept alive artificially if there was no chance of recovery.

In his 2013 book One Man’s View of the World, he revealed that he had signed an Advance Medical Directive (AMD) stating that if he reached a point where he could not recover and would need to be kept alive by artificial means, he wished for the doctors to let him “make a quick exit.”

In his own words: “Some time back, I had an Advance Medical Directive (AMD) done which says that if I have to be fed by a tube, and it is unlikely that I would ever be able to recover and walk about, my doctors are to remove the tube and allow me to make a quick exit.”

He made it clear in his personal writings that he preferred a dignified end rather than prolonged suffering or incapacitation—likely a reflection of having cared for his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, who had been bedridden for over two years as a result of a series of strokes.

His desire for a swift and natural death was one of only two explicit wishes he made for his final days, the other being the demolition of his home after his passing.

Yet, when LKY’s health deteriorated in early 2015 due to severe pneumonia, this wish was not honoured.

According to the official statement from the Prime Minister’s Office, LKY was placed on mechanical ventilation in the Intensive Care Unit as his condition worsened in February of that year. This meant he remained on life support for weeks until his death on 23 March 2015.

The AMD was previously highlighted by Dr Lee in a Facebook post in April 2019, where she noted that Lee & Lee—the law firm co-founded by her parents—had handled her father’s personal matters, including his wills, powers of attorney, and AMD, which LKY reaffirmed in August 2014.

In that post, Dr Lee also accused LKY’s lawyer, Mdm Kwa Kim Li (KKL), of lying about her involvement in the events that led to LKY’s final will—a point crucial to the persecution her younger brother and sister-in-law are currently facing.

Dr Lee asserted that Mdm Kwa had been in discussions and exchanged emails about what LKY wanted in his December 2013 will, despite KKL’s denial.

In May 2023, a Disciplinary Tribunal (DT) found KKL guilty of misconduct, confirming Dr Lee’s assertions that KKL had misrepresented her role in LKY’s final will.

It was proven that KKL had misled the executors of LKY’s estate—Dr Lee and LHY—by withholding critical information regarding instructions she had received from LKY about his will.

Despite her claims to the contrary, evidence showed she had been in correspondence with LKY about potential changes in November and December 2013. The tribunal ruled that her conduct fell short of the standards expected of a solicitor and imposed penalties, including a fine of S$8,000 and additional costs to the Law Society of Singapore.

It remains unclear who made the decision to place LKY on life support despite his AMD or whether the AMD, overseen by KKL’s law firm, had been highlighted to the attending doctors. This will likely remain a mystery—just as it is unknown who misled LKY into believing that his house had been gazetted by the Singapore government.

Note by Kwa Kim Li that she couldn’t find the records of 38 Oxley Road being gazetted and that she had informed Lee Kuan Yew of this.

Regardless, this failure to honour LKY’s wish, along with the likely prolonged suffering he endured while on life support, may have placed an emotional burden on Dr Lee and LHY, knowing that they had been unable to fulfil their father’s desire for a quick and dignified end.

This experience likely intensified their resolve to ensure that his other major wish—the demolition of 38 Oxley Road—was honoured. For them, it went beyond fulfilling a practical request; it became a personal mission to ensure that at least one of their father’s final wishes was carried out.

This was made clear in their 2017 statement, where they expressed profound disappointment in LHL, whom they accused of blocking the demolition for political reasons—allegations that LHL categorically denied both in public and in parliament. They wrote, “Hsien Loong has everything to gain from preserving 38 Oxley Road—he need only ignore his father’s will and values.”

LKY feared that the house might become a symbol of his personal legacy, detracting from his contributions to Singapore as a whole. He always prioritised the collective good over personal glorification, viewing the house as a private space rather than something to be preserved for political or historical purposes.

Dr Lee emphasised this about her father’s personal beliefs in a 2016 Facebook post, stating, “Papa was dead set against a personality cult and any hint of cronyism.”

The siblings believed that by preserving the house, their brother was not only defying their father’s will but also eroding the values LKY stood for: humility, simplicity, and putting the country first.

Dr Lee went so far as to refer to LHL as a “dishonourable son” for trying to build a “Lee family cult.”

In response to the allegations, LHL stated in his 2017 Ministerial Statement that he had recused himself from all decisions regarding 38 Oxley Road and that a ministerial committee, led by Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean, had been studying various intermediate options related to the house.

In the same parliamentary session, DPM Teo stated that the government’s position was that “no decision is needed now” as Dr Lee was still living in the property—implying that a decision would be made after her passing. With Dr Lee’s recent passing, this deferred decision on the fate of the house will likely be addressed soon.

LHY and LWL’s Sacrifices to Fulfil Their Father’s Final Wish

LHY, who had expressed his sadness over his sister’s death and their shared commitment to their father’s wishes, has frequently highlighted the personal cost of their battle.

In March 2023, he spoke of feeling “deeply saddened” that he had become a “refugee” from his own country due to his refusal to back down on the Oxley Road issue. Both he and Dr Lee had faced what they described as harassment and surveillance in the years following their public dispute with their brother.

Their 2017 statement had already indicated their discomfort with the political environment in Singapore, where they felt “closely monitored in [their] own country” and could no longer trust their brother “as a brother or as a leader.”

Currently, LHY and his wife, Lee Suet Fern (LSF), who are living outside Singapore, face allegations of perjury by Singaporean authorities, accused of misrepresenting the circumstances surrounding LKY’s Last Will (dated 17 December 2013) during LSF’s Disciplinary Tribunal hearing for alleged misconduct.

It was alleged that they rushed the signing of the will for personal gain and misled LKY, particularly regarding the Demolition Clause, as described by DPM Teo in a 2023 parliamentary response, where he first revealed that the police had commenced investigations into LSF and LHY for potential offences of giving false evidence in judicial proceedings.

However, the findings from the DT in May 2023, which confirmed that LKY’s lawyer, KKL, had misrepresented her role, show that LKY had directly communicated his intentions about the will’s changes. This undercuts the allegations that LHY and LSF had deceived LKY, as his wishes—including those of 38 Oxley Road—were clear and known to KKL.

LHY, due to the perceived risk from Singaporean authorities, is unable to return to Singapore for Dr Lee’s funeral, much like how LSF had to be absent from her own father’s funeral in July of last year.

By staying abroad, LHY may feel he can better pursue LKY’s final wish—the demolition of the house—especially after Dr Lee’s passing, rather than risking being ‘trapped in the system.’

In many ways, the conflict over 38 Oxley Road represented more than just a family dispute—it was a struggle over the legacy of one of Singapore’s most iconic leaders.

Dr Lee and LHY believed that allowing the house to stand would betray their father’s values and final wishes, as they stated in their public posts. Their determination, however, may have been further fuelled by the emotional weight of having been unable to fulfil one of his other requests—the wish for a quick, dignified death.

Thus, the demolition of the house became not just an act of obedience but a personal mission to ensure that at least one of LKY’s final wishes was honoured.

As Dr Lee is laid to rest, the fate of 38 Oxley Road remains unresolved, especially with the 2021 amendments to the Preservation of Monuments Act, which allow the National Heritage Board to issue an Enforcement Notice (EN) to halt any activity that risks destroying, damaging, or altering a National Monument.

But what is undeniable is that she devoted her life to fulfilling her duty as a daughter, standing firm in her resolve to honour her parents’ wishes—even when it came at great personal and familial cost.

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