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Ensuring Hawker Centres Survive

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By Yap Shiwen

Ensuring Hawker Centres Survive

There’s been a rash of recent measures and moves to save Singapore’s heritage, specifically the food heritage of our hawker centres. K.F. Seetoh of Makansutra Asia fame has led the push to preserve knowledge of our hawker cuisine, as has Elaine Chew, who leads a government initiative seeking to recognise the quality of hawker food and the hawkers who make them.

At the end of the day, we need to recognise that hawker centres serve as one of the centres of a community. They’re a place for families to eat, for friends to socialise or for couples to meet for a meal. In as much as they’re a place of business, they’re also a place that helps to facilitate and foster the bonds of a community.

But ultimately, they are also places that need to be economically viable. By offering inexpensive food, you also need to offer affordable, inexpensive rents. In the past decade, this has turned out not to be the case.

Subject to a quick analysis, the hawker centre has always served 3 objectives:

  • nucleus for social activity
  • inexpensive food
  • facilitate small business activity for economically deprived segments of society

This 3 objectives are all socially related in nature and originate from the fact that from the 1960s onwards, the government had to relocate the street hawkers into sanitary locations,  where they could then ply their trade to feed the workforce of a rapidly industrialising Singapore, affordably and efficiently as possible. So were the hawker centres born.

Now, hawker centres are managed by the National Environment Agency (NEA). However their ownership is split amongst several bodies. Namely, they are the Jurong Town Council (JTC), Housing Development Board (HDB), NEA, Ministry of Environment & Water Resources (MEWR). MEWR is a ministry, HDB and NEA are government statutory bodies and JTC is a major GLC (Government-linked Corporation).

If they want to foster the growth and ensure the survival of a crucial part of Singapores heritage, then one needs to look at the economics, as well as the socioeconomic aspects and demographics of those who go into the business. For now, this will only look at the economic and management aspects.

The rental costs, and the resulting increase in food costs, are in part caused by the privatisation push of the NEA, HDB and government as a whole to push management of the hawker centres to private operators. Like any business entity, the natural desire is to then optimise, if not maximise, the amount of profit that can be gained from the enterprise.

This is entirely a natural part of business and happens in any market. However, the difference with hawker centres is that since they are such a big part of the fabric of Singaporean social existence, any cost increases are keenly felt, by all segments of society. Combined with the fact that there has been little real wage growth and decreased purchasing power to deal with the increased inflation and consumer price over the last decade, this results in a social harm.

People cannot afford to pay much for food. As the rentals become higher, hawkers are forced to increase their costs, which they pass on in turn to the consumers. And as small businesses, they are unable to handle or buffer the costs as much as larger business entities, which have more options available to them.

So whats a possible solution to this whole problem?

Firstly, deny the right to operate any hawker centres owned by government agencies and ministries to private companies. The case of Sengkang Kopitiam Square shows the deficits involved in letting private operators build and run their own. The result is increased food price and higher business costs for hawkers, as well as a greater initial capital expenditure, discouraging existing hawkers from expanding or new hawkers from getting into the business. You will still get hawkers, just a lot less, and not in the numbers you desire.

Secondly, relook the way that NEA manages the hawker centres. Rather than just operating as a landlord, look at forming a workers cooperative within the hawker centre, with the hawkers as stakeholder-tenants. NEA would be granted oversight of each cooperative, while the hawkers would have greater investment and control over the management process and costs as well as critical decision, and creating a degree of employment for PMETs, due to the necessary administration to sustain a cooperative.

“Capital and the Debt Trap”, a research monograph in co-operative economics published by Palgrave Macmillan and authored by C.S. Bajo and Bruno Roelants, found that cooperatives tended to be more sustainable, possess a longer life cycle, had a higher level of entrepreneurship sustainability and were less vulnerable to perverse incentives – incentives that have unintended and undesirable results contrary to the interests of incentive makers.

In the case of Singaporean hawker centres, the incentive was to let private operators handle management, with the net effect of greater efficiency imposed via market mechanisms. However, the result has been an increase in prices and decreased uptake in the hawker trade.

Thirdly, if not the cooperative model, then NEA should look at applying social business principles to managing the hawker centres. Given their community role and the social role they serve, in offering a means to make a living for economically deprived Singaporeans and in supplying inexpensive food to the community at large, they should be considered as a Type 1 social business, focused on providing the service they currently do. Hence, NEA could aim to run them at cost, with no profit motive in mind, since they would then be maintaining and managing it at the same price level as they rented it out to hawkers.

Alternatively, they could run it as a Type 2 social business, being profit-oriented but with any profits being invested back into the hawker centre and the hawkers, to act as a buffer against further price increases and allow the hawkers to maintain their prices, and for upgrades in the future. This would also lessen public expenditure to some degree, as the money needed to upgrade hawker centres comes from public funds.

In the end, if we’re looking at ways to enhance the existing social compact and situation, as well as maintain our hawker heritage, we need to look at empowerment. Muhamad Yunus, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006, said that “…the poor are poor not because they are untrained or illiterate but because they cannot retain the returns of their labor. They have no control over capital, and it is the ability to control capital that gives people the power to rise out of poverty.

Either we give our hawkers a financial buffer and greater market protection, or we grant them control over the capital and management of the hawker centre. We empower them and enhance its role as a trade and small business in our society. Or we continue as we are and lose a key part of our Singaporean heritage.

 

Notes:

Bajo, C.S. & Roelants, B. (2011). Capital and the Debt Trap. Palgrave Macmillan.

What is Social Business? Social Business World. http://socialbusinessworld.org/pages/view/8964/what-is-social-business

Types of Social Business. Social Business Earth. http://socialbusinessearth.org/types-of-social-business/

Sessoms, G.(2013).The Advantages of a Cooperative Business. Houston Chroniclehttp://smallbusiness.chron.com/advantages-cooperative-business-23592.html

Mohamed, K. (2013). Saving the hawkers and the hawker trade. The Online Citizen. https://www.theonlinecitizen.com/2013/04/saving-hawkers-hawker-trade/

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Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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