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SLA statement on Ridout Road rentals raises more questions than answers

In a piece by Jeannette Chong Aruldoss, numerous questions are raised about the Singapore Land Authority’s statement on May 12 regarding the two properties on Ridout Road. She questions why these properties remained vacant for years before being rented by the ministers, and calls for further transparency from SLA.

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by Jeannette Chong Aruldoss

Until Kenneth Jeyaretnam started writing about it on his blog on 6 May 2023, few knew that Cabinet Ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan were living in state-owned black-and-white houses at Ridout Road.

Built in colonial times, black-and-white houses are architecturally unique and often sit on large pieces of land.

In Singapore, such heritage homes are highly coveted places of residence. About 500 black-and-white houses remain today, the vast majority of them are state-owned and managed by the Singapore Land Authority (SLA), a statutory board under the Ministry of Law. Such state-owned properties are only available for rent by public tender.

The optics of ministers living in state-owned colonial mansions surrounded by massive land while most Singaporeans squeeze themselves into pint-size flats in land-scarce Singapore, make an unpretty picture.

Not surprisingly, the Ridout Road news drew many questions and much indignation from the public.

In response to rife public speculation and interest in the Ridout Road rentals by the two ministers, SLA issued a media statement on 12 May 2023. The information provided by SLA raised more questions than answers.

Here are six facts revealed by the SLA statement and the questions that struck me when I considered each of those facts.

Fact 1: 26 and 31 Ridout Road had been vacant for more than four years and more than six years respectively, before they were tenanted.

  • Why were those properties vacant for years?
  • Were they left vacant by decision or due to inability to find suitable tenants?
  • If they were vacant by decision, why were they kept vacant?
  • When did the policy to keep them vacant change to getting them tenanted?
  • If they were vacant for those years due to inability to find a suitable tenant, what were the efforts made over the years to attract tenants?

As far as I know, landlords hate vacant periods. Having an untenanted property is like keeping your cash savings in a non-interest-bearing current account.

Also, maintenance costs will continue to run, even for vacant properties. Other than wealthy landlords who can afford to be indifferent, most landlords would assiduously avoid vacant periods and do whatever needs to be done to ensure that their property is at all times tenanted and therefore income-producing.

In land-hungry Singapore, a huge dollar figure can be put to describe the rental income forgone by leaving a piece of real estate – more so one in a prime location – vacant for a year, let alone four to six years.

Idle state land resources represent an opportunity cost not only in terms of lost Government revenue, but also the loss of social benefits had the land been employed for public use.

Here, we are talking about state-owned assets managed by SLA, an organ of the state carrying the burden of optimising the use of state properties, either for social benefits or to earn income for Government coffers.

An explanation should be given to the public as to why those two extremely large pieces of state-owned properties located in a prime area were vacant for years.

Fact 2: The 2018 public tender for 26 Ridout Road only garnered one bid.

  • What were the actions taken by SLA to publicise, promote and market 26 Ridout Road to attract potential bidders for the 2018 tender?
  • Was the 2018 tender the first and only time since December 2013 that 26 Ridout Road was put out for bidding?
  • If not, how many unsuccessful tenders were conducted before 2018?
  • Were the terms and conditions of the bidding or the tenancy applied for the 2018 tender similar or different to those in the tender for other black and white houses?
  • If different, what were those differences from the usual terms and conditions?

The response to the tender for 26 Ridout Road in 2018 was poor, attracting only one bid.

Black and white houses are supposed to be highly sought-after. One would expect many to be interested to rent a black and white house, subject to being able to afford the rent.

If the Guide Rent is unknown to bidders, what is to stop an optimistic house-hunter from making a “try-luck” offer?

To make a bid, the bidder must fork out a bidding deposit which is the amount of his bid rent per month. But his bidding deposit will be returned to him if his bid is unsuccessful. The bidder will not lose any money by making a try-luck offer. Yet, the 2018 tender for 26 Ridout Road did not even attract any try-luck bids.

Was the poor response due to Insufficient publicity? To rule out insufficient publicity effort as the cause for the poor response, SLA should release details of the actions taken to publicise, promote and market 26 Ridout Road to attract potential bidders back then.

Were potential bidders put off by onerous terms and conditions? To rule out onerous terms and conditions as the cause for the poor response, SLA should release the bidding terms and conditions and the specimen tenancy agreement applied for the 2018 tender of 26 Ridout Road, for comparison with the bidding and tenancy terms and conditions for other black and white houses.

Were potential bidders put off by the state and condition of the house? If the property has a Guide Rent, then it must be in a lettable condition. At the minimum, the roof and structure of the house should be sound and in good condition, have water and electrical supply and a sewage system.

I cannot believe that SLA would release 26 Ridout Road for rent if the roof were about to fall and if it was too dilapidated to be fit for habitation. It would be unconscionable for anyone to palm off an unliveable place for rent.

Anyway, if spending some money to fix up the property will enable you to get it tenanted, then he would be a very silly landlord to not spend the money to fix up the property.

Of course, if it is going to cost a fortune to render a monster-infested property fit for human habitation, then I say nuke the place and turn it into a public park for joggers, strollers and lovers to haunt. But don’t leave it vacant and idle.

All said, the poor response to the 2018 tender for 26 Ridout Road needs an explanation and I hope we get one.

Fact 3: The bid for 26 Ridout Road was won by the Law Minister as the sole bidder.

Besides only attracting one bid, the sole bidder who placed a bid above the Guide Rent (which was not disclosed to him), was the Law Minister himself.

A person looking to rent a black-and-white house will access SLA’s website to see what houses are up for public tender.

Other data that house hunters may want to know but which SLA does not publish include:

  • As to which or when certain vacant houses would be going up for public tender;

  • The Guide Rent for houses up for tender;

  • The rentals of tenanted houses (but SLA does publish the results of recent open tenders on their website for a period of time); and

  • The tenancy expiry date of tenanted houses.

On 2 August 2022, Mr Shanmugam speaking as the Law Minister, answered parliamentary questions on rental demand for SLA-managed black and white houses. SLA is under the Ministry of Law.

He informed:

“SLA currently manages 262 residential State black-and-white bungalows which exceed 20,000 sq ft in land area. As of 21 July 2022, 236 of these residential State black-and-white bungalows are tenanted, with a median land size of about 38,000 sq ft and a median rental of about $13,000 per month.”

The information given by Mr Shanmugam gives the impression that he has access to data relating to SLA’s inventory of tenanted and untenanted black-and-white houses and the rentals which the tenanted houses were fetching.

  • When SLA decided that 26 Ridout Road would be released for public tender, did Mr Shanmugam, being the Law Minister, have access to that SLA decision, ahead of it becoming public knowledge?

  • Or did Mr Shanmugam, despite being the Law Minister, find out about the tender of 26 Ridout Road by checking the SLA website like anyone else, so that he knew about it no sooner than the public did?

  • If Mr Shanmugam, being the Law Minister, did have access to information that SLA would be putting 26 Ridout Road up for public tender, ahead of it becoming public knowledge, does it matter?

Fact 4: Mr Shanmugam made his offer for 26 Ridout Road through an agent.

  • What does making an offer through an agent mean?

  • Does making an offer through an agent mean that the agent signed the bidding form in his own personal name, without disclosing the name of Mr Shanmugam as the prospective tenant and without making it known to SLA that he was acting as an agent on behalf of Mr Shanmugam?

  • Why didn’t or couldn’t Mr Shanmugam make the offer himself without going through an agent?

I picked up a “Bidding Form for State Property” at random from the SLA website. The Bidding Form I saw requires the bidder to provide his personal particulars, including his monthly income. He must also be the person signing the tenancy agreement as “tenant” if his bid is successful.

Clause 1.4 of the Bidding Form states: “The State Property shall be used solely for residential purpose by the successful bidder personally and his family”.

Clause 5.4 of the Bidding Form states: “The successful bidder shall not be entitled to transfer his right to rent.”

This means that agents cannot bid on behalf of undisclosed persons.

We do not know if a different type of bidding form applied to the tender that Mr Shanmugam went through in 2018. SLA should release a copy of the bidding form used in that 2018 tender.

If the bidding form used in that 2018 tender was the same as the Bidding Form I saw at SLA website, then Mr Shanmugam could not have made an offer for the property anonymously. SLA would have been fully aware during the bid evaluation, that Mr Shanmugam was the prospective tenant.

Fact 5: Mr Shanmugam notified a senior Cabinet colleague that he was making a bid for 26 Ridout Road.

  • Why did Mr Shanmugam notify a senior Cabinet colleague that he was making a bid for the property?

  • Did Mr Shanmugam do this for the sake of transparency?

  • If transparency was Mr Shanmugam’s aim, then why didn’t he give formal notice to the Cabinet instead of telling one Cabinet colleague?

  • Who was the senior Cabinet colleague Mr Shanmugam notified?

    • Why did Mr Shanmugam choose that particular colleague instead of any other colleague?

  • Did Mr Shanmugam inform the said senior Cabinet colleague verbally or in writing?

Since the SLA media statement mentioned that Mr Shanmugam had notified a senior Cabinet colleague that he was making a bid for 26 Ridout Road, it suggests that SLA has seen a copy of the notice given by Mr Shanmugam. In which case, I hope SLA or Mr Shanmugam would release the copy to the public. That would answer a lot of questions.

Fact 6: Dr Vivian’s tenancy of 31 Ridout Road commenced 11 months after he had bid for it.

Dr Vivian made his bid in November 2018, but his tenancy only commenced on October 2019, 11 months after he made the bid for it.

31 Ridout Road being released for public tender would mean that it was ready to let. If so, the tenancy should commence immediately, to minimise the void period.

According to the Clause 5.6 of the Bidding Form I saw on SLA website:

The tenancy shall be for a term of 2 years commencing within twenty-one (21) calendar days from the date of the Letter of Acceptance.”

Hence, the tenancy should commence immediately after the bid is awarded.

Yet, Dr Vivian’s tenancy did not commence immediately, but 11 months later.

  • Why did Dr Vivian’s tenancy not commence immediately, but 11 months later?
  • Was the deferred commencement date imposed by SLA or requested by Dr Vivian?
  • If it was imposed by SLA, what was the reason for imposing such an unusual condition for 31 Ridout Road?
  • If it was Dr Vivian who requested for the deferred commencement date, why did SLA agreed to such an unusual condition for 31 Ridout Road, given that there were other bidders apart from Dr Vivian?
  • If it was Dr Vivian who requested for the deferred commencement date which SLA agreed, then how was the loss of rental income during the additional void period accounted for?

SLA ended their media statement with a promise to release more details in July 2023. I will wait till then for the answers to my questions.

Jeannette Chong Aruldoss is a practicing lawyer and a former politician in Singapore. This article is the first of a 2-part commentary. See her follow-up article,
Are the Ridout road rentals in breach of the Ministers’ Code of Conduct?

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Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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