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A different look at this AIMishambles

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By Jimmy Chan

AIMgate is such a clichéd term; I prefer AIMishambles to keep up with the times, after the Oxford English Dictionary 2012 Word of the Year omnishambles. The term refers to “a situation which is seen as shambolic from all possible perspectives” and is a fitting one to describe not just the original PAP town councils-AIM transaction, but also the government’s response so far.

A lot has been said online but nothing much new since Dr Teo Ho Pin’s statement besides the brouhaha on the threat of defamation suits. There isn’t much value in the discussion when everyone is saying the same things on social media while the government is not saying much. So let me play the devil’s advocate and comment on some of the things said online, and offer some alternative explanations. Just keep an open mind and don’t shoot me for saying them.

Dr Teo’s statement

A lesson one learns from working in a corporate environment is to keep email replies as short as possible lest they invite further questions. While Dr Teo’s statement skipped over critical issues, it also gave information that it didn’t really need to, such as the consulting advice from Deloitte and Touche and the versions of software the TCs are using.

It was a little unnecessary for netizens to go on an almost line-by-line rebuttal of Dr Teo’s statement. Some of the things he said were business decisions which on hindsight are always easy to criticise. Some other faults, such as using outdated software and taking too long to build new ones, are ailments many organisations suffer from.

If we go on a fault-finding mission every time they explain something, PAP will think that online voices are irrational and that it is pointless to issue any more statements to clarify further because people will just find other details to pick on. Focus on the questions that are unanswered, the key one being the conflict of interest that the mainstream media and Grace Fu tried to distract us from.

Missing information

Two key pieces of missing information are how much was the initial project with NCS to build the software, and how much is the maintenance fee paid to NCS on top of the $140 monthly per TC to AIM. It is plausible and not unreasonable that PAP might not want to reveal these information because these are details of separate business dealings with a third-party company NCS, unless they are forced to do so by an inquiry.

Financials of the deal

AIM paymentsI maintain my view in a previous post that the financial terms behind the deal as revealed by Dr Teo do not look improper. This is assuming that $140,000 is the right valuation for the software. A lot has been said online that the TCs actually ended up paying $25,030 to AIM despite Dr Teo’s claim that they made a modest profit of about $8,000. While Dr Teo can be faulted for misleading, he isn’t exactly wrong to say that because he was referring strictly to the sale-and-leaseback transaction.

Some netizens are asking why the TCs ended up paying $25,030 net to AIM. I’m not sure what they are expecting. Despite the misgivings we have on its political ownership, AIM is providing a service to the TCs as middleman. It has to pay its two part-time staff providing this service and other overheads. That’s about $2,000 a month in total from 14 TCs. Is that too much for two part-time staff? I don’t think so, even if we don’t know exactly how much work it entails.

Think about it—the transaction would raise a lot more suspicion if AIM is making losses despite this service it provides.

Essentially, after the sale-and-leaseback that lapsed in one year, AIM is no different from a resource agency that provides contract project managers, and gets paid for it. $2,000 is not a lot of money to cover two staff and overheads, so what Mr Chandra Das said about not making any profits for the directors is believable.

The $2 company

We risk digressing from the main issue of AIM being PAP-owned if we keep going on about it being a “$2 company”. Looking at the nature of the transaction, AIM paid the TCs $140,000, as confirmed by Mr Chandra Das, and in turn earned back monthly leasing fees. If somehow AIM had defaulted because it was just a $2 company, the TCs would not have lost any money because they had received the upfront payment.

So the default risk faced by the TCs was not high once AIM had paid the initial sale amount. Of course, the TCs could lose the use of the software if AIM defaults, but they face the same risk with a short notice of one month if AIM decides to terminate the contract. So AIM’s financial setup in terms of paid-up capital isn’t really a big concern at all.

In fact, AIM faces a much greater risk of being left with a potentially useless piece of software if the TCs terminate the contract, which may be another reason why other vendors chose not to bid for the project.

The tender process

One suspicion going around is that the tender process was rigged with the award predetermined to go to AIM. My hunch is quite the opposite: that no vendors wanted the project and AIM ended up picking up the pieces as a favour to the TCs. This theory is supported by the fact that their bid was submitted after the tender closing date. If the tender was to go to AIM all along, it would have had the bid ready way before the closing date.

I don’t believe there’s much value in the software after it is retired, which if I’m not wrong is just a customised Oracle ERP module. The $25,030 amount made by AIM over more than two years is quite a pathetic sum that bigger companies such as NCS won’t bother with. So it was left with the smaller SMEs who might be interested, and the SMEs quite rightly regarded it too much of a risk to guarantee that rates with NCS wouldn’t change, plus the risk I mentioned previously of the contract being terminated prematurely by the TCs.

Were the requirements of the tender too stringent then? Probably. One of the companies who collected the tender documents said that there was too little information in them to make a judgement call. So it looks like the tender wasn’t prepared properly, and this again supports the theory no companies bid for it as a result and AIM then took on the contract.

If this is correct, it may be why PAP is so reluctant to reveal more—because they took the easy way out and awarded the contract without a second tender. But it would be nothing as sinister as what some are speculating.

Motivations for deal

If the above is correct, the question is then why are the TCs so desperate to sell away the software after an unsuccessful tender call? Honestly, there could be dozens of possible reasons.

For example, there could be cash flow problems and an urgent need for cash that the sale proceeds would generate. This would be worrying for residents but seems unlikely because the amount was not sizeable compared to the balance sheets these town councils are carrying.

Perhaps no TC wanted to take ownership of the managing of the relationship with NCS, so collectively the convenient thing to do was to outsource this ownership?

The most likely reason as I see it is the database jointly owned by the TCs that contains sensitive financial data. Co-ownership of such an asset by PAP and opposition TCs becomes very tricky if you don’t want the other party to be privy to your finances. How do you deny AHTC the right to access the database if it has equal ownership to it? So to sell it to a third party is a smart thing to do so that no TC can claim this right. Now that it belongs to AIM, a PAP-owned company, AHTC quite rightly decided to build their own software and database as well in order to protect their own sensitive data.

The point is, while many are seeing this sale of a town council asset as a political move to make things difficult for the opposition, it could just as well be for more innocuous reasons such as poor business decisions, a badly managed tender process or necessary protection of data. Surely, if the intention was to “fix” the opposition, there are better ways to do that than with an old piece of software.

Regardless of the intention, though, this was a deal that should never have happened because of the potential conflict of interest due to AIM’s ownership. While the government must shed more light on this AIMishambles it is now facing, we should not just read things the way we want to read them, and be prepared to accept explanations that are less exciting than our conspiracy theories.

Commentaries

Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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